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Posts from ‘July, 2010’

BP faces 7-year offshore drilling ban

BBC NEWS

15 July 2010

A US Congressional committee has agreed measures that would ban BP from new offshore drilling for seven years.

The House committee on natural resources voted in favour of precluding companies with poor safety records from offshore oil exploration permits.

The proposed law does not name BP, but would apply to any company that has experienced 10 or more deaths in the last seven years.

The April explosion of BP’s Deepwater Horizon rig killed 11 workers.

Major blow

According to the draft legislation, the deaths must have taken place at drilling, production facilities, or refineries, and must have broken US health and environment laws.

he Deepwater Horizon disaster is still being investigated.

BP has already accepted its guilt in a separate accident in Texas in 2005 that killed 15 people.

Although the proposal does not affect BP’s existing US oil wells, if it became law it would be a major blow to the UK oil company, according to Evgenvy Solovyov, oil equity analyst at SG Securities.

“North America and the Gulf of Mexico are one of the cornerstones of their strategy going forwards,” said Mr Solovyov.

He estimates that over 10% of BP’s current output comes from the Gulf of Mexico

Were it not for the political fallout from the oil spill, that share would have been expected to grow over the coming years.

Key player

However, Mr Solovyov cautions that it is far from guaranteed that the committee’s draft bill will ever pass into law.

It would need to gain approval both houses of Congress before it could be signed by President Obama.

Mr Solovyov said that if the US still wants to continue expanding oil output, and reduce energy dependence on the Middle East, then there are not many other players who could step into BP’s shoes.

US oil production increased last year at its fastest rate in 40 years, thanks in large part to BP’s work in the Gulf of Mexico, where it is the biggest deep sea driller.

Chevron and Shell are also active players, but Exxon Mobil has surprisingly little presence in the Gulf.

“Smaller companies will not want to participate now,” notes Mr Solovyov. “It’s too risky for them, if [a similar disaster] could bring down a company of BP’s size.”

Unintended consequences

Another reason to doubt the political viability of the committee’s bill is the possible knock-on effects for other oil companies.

The proposed rules would also exclude from offshore drilling any company that has been fined over $10m (£6.5m) by US authorities for environmental breaches in the last seven years.

This wording would also affect BP, after an oil spill at Prudhoe Bay in 2006.

However, since the Deepwater Horizon spill began, it has emerged that there may be many old wells in the Gulf of Mexico that were not properly plugged and have been leaking for years.

If other major exploration companies are found to be responsible for these wells, they could also fall foul of this clause of the draft bill.

SOURCE ARTICLE

What is going on in Brinded’s inner circle?

Posted on Shell Blog by “Seeberger” on Jul 14th, 2010 at 11:32 pm

What is going on in Brinded’s inner circle?

First, Brinded’s big ex-buddy Roly Poly Finlayson quits to go to BG; then ex Brinded Boy, Mark Carne gets sacked at BG by Chapman only to be taken back on at Shell by Brinded (no doubt with a promotion) and he in turn gets the Italian ex-stallion Restucci demoted to go to Oman!

Clearly all cannot be well between Brinded and his friends but the re-hiring of Carne in particular is a gross insult to all those who have recently been displaced as result of Voserification!

Posting on Shell Blog by “guest1″ on Jul 15th, 2010 at 9:35 pm

Like a true dictator hanging on to power, Brinded is once more surrounding himself with yesmen and removing those that may be or become a threat. Everyone knows: disagreeing with Brinded means removal. Mafia dons and dictators like Stalin work in a similar fashion. I wonder if there are other similarities? Power corrupts. And we all know Brinded has power. The Board of Shell is failing once more. Failing to step in now means that corrupt people once more get their way. And all this is bad for business.

Senator Lautenberg should also investigate Shell’s Libyan links

By John Donovan

The Financial Times reports today that “Democratic senators in the US are calling for an investigation into BP’s business interests in Libya, accusing the British oil company of being part of a deal to free a convicted terrorist in return for oil licences.”

The FT goes on to say: “The Senate foreign relations committee is set to consider a request from Frank Lautenberg, a Democratic senator from New Jersey, for an investigation into whether BP helped secure the early release of Abdel Basset al-Megrahi, the Lockerbie bomber freed by Scottish authorities last year.”

Many U.S. politicians have BP firmly in their gunsights at the moment for obvious reasons.

However, as the senator seems to have realized, the stench is not just emanating from the Gulf,  but from evil deeds involving ethically challenged UK Prime Minsters Blair and Brown falling over themselves to assist Big Oil, and the Libyan dictator and supposedly reformed sponsor of state terrorism, Muammar (Loony Tunes) Gaddafi (above right). Even members of the British royal family – The Prince of Wales and his brother Prince Andrew, were recruited in the cause.

However there is even more damning evidence pointing at another foreign owned oil company involved in the conspiracy to release the Pan Am bomber Abdul Baset Ali al-Megrahi, in exchange for access to Libyan oil.  I refer to the recent revelation that the then UK Prime Minister Tony Blair, sent a letter to Gaddafi, which was actually drafted by Shell.

I strongly advise Senator Lautenberg to read the newspaper articles cited below and then extend the investigation to include Shell: -

Shell drafted letter Tony Blair sent to Gaddafi while Prime Minister

EXTRACTS

Tony Blair lobbied Colonel Muammar Gaddafi on behalf of Shell in a letter written for him in draft form by the oil company, documents obtained by The Times reveal.

The correspondence, written while Mr Blair was Prime Minister, bears a striking resemblance to a briefing note by Royal Dutch Shell weeks earlier promoting a $500 million (£325 million) deal it was trying to clinch in Libya.

While it is common for government ministers to champion British interests abroad, Shell’s draft reveals an unusual assurance in its ability to dictate Mr Blair’s conversation with the Libyan leader. It also raises questions about the motives behind Britain’s improved relations with Libya and the subsequent release of Abdul Baset Ali al-Megrahi, the Lockerbie bomber. Lockerbie victims have claimed that the Government paved the way for al-Megrahi’s release as part of a deal with Libya to give British companies access to Libya’s lucrative oil and gas industry.

Both letters were released after a lengthy Freedom of Information process. The Times first asked for them after al-Megrahi was released last August on compassionate grounds by the Scottish Government, which said that he had only months to live.

Influential group whose ruling council includes Shell and BP pressed for release of Lockerbie bomber

EXTRACTS

An influential group representing British business interests in Libya pressed for the urgent release of the Lockerbie bomber, citing the “grave concern” to its members’ interests should he die in prison.

Lord Trefgarne, a senior Conservative peer and chairman of the Libyan British Business Council (LBBC), wrote to the Scottish Justice Secretary outlining the risk just a month before he approved the release of Abdul Baset Ali al-Megrahi on August 20.

The LBBC’s ruling council includes the oil and gas companies BP, Shell and BG International, which are hoping to exploit Libya’s natural reserves. Lord Trefgarne’s son, George, was until recently BP’s director of media and research and still does consultancy work for the company.

Many of the oil and gas companies have substantial interests in Scotland’s North Sea fields. Menzies Aviation, a subsidiary of one of Scotland’s largest companies, John Menzies, is also a member of the LBBC.

Its banking members include Barclays, HSBC and the British asset management and corporate banking divisions of the American firm JP Morgan Chase, which pays Tony Blair £2 million a year as an adviser.

Libya and Britain: the new special relationship

EXTRACTS

Ministerial letters obtained by The Sunday Times reveal this reluctance is partly explained by fears of jeopardising relations with the newly rehabilitated regime of Colonel Muammar Gadaffi.

The letters provide new damning evidence of the government’s eagerness to maintain good relations with Libya, in which trade appears to weigh more heavily on ministers’ minds than the plight of British victims of terrorism.

Revealed: how Shell won the fight for Libyan gas and oil

EXTRACTS

But it is Shell – sometimes seen by critics as a branch of the Foreign Office despite its headquarters in The Hague – that seems to have been given the biggest lift by the British establishment.

Documents released under a Freedom of Information Act request show the scale of the effort to win commercial advantage in Libya. The details raise questions about whether it is possible the Scottish decision to release the Lockerbie bomber Abdelbaset al-Megrahi last week could have been done without the acquiescence of the British government as it insists it was.

At least 11, but possibly as many as 26, meetings took place – many in Tripoli – between Shell executives and high-ranking ministers or mandarins in a period between 2004 and 2007. The Foreign Office has yet to provide details of what exactly was discussed at the meetings, but the request asked for any discussions with Shell on either Libya or Egypt, the latter being of much less political or potential commercial importance to the oil company.

Miliband met Malcolm Brinded, the Shell exploration director, in October 2007 while James Smith, the Shell UK chairman, met Jack Straw when he was foreign secretary in July 2003.

The Prince of Wales attended a reception at the British Embassy on 21 March 2006, putting a bit of royal weight behind the drive to put Britain in pole position as Libya’s 44bn barrels of oil reserves were opened up again to western firms.

The royal family has long been seen as a trump card in the Middle East. Prince Andrew has also visited Libya as a special overseas trade ambassador for Britain but has dropped plans to go there next month following the furore over Megrahi’s release.

Secret documents uncover UK’s interest in Libyan oil

EXTRACTS

Libya has been courted by government ministers and Foreign Office mandarins on a dozen or more occasions in pursuit of lucrative oil and gas contracts.

Documents obtained by the Observer show ministers and senior civil servants met Shell to discuss the company’s oil interests in Libya on at least 11 occasions and perhaps as many as 26 times in less than four years.

Foreign secretary David Miliband and the former Labour leader Lord Kinnock were involved in the meetings with Shell about its business in Libya or Egypt.

The revelations, showing that the government invested large amounts of political capital in securing North African oil, lend weight to claims that commercial interest lay behind last week’s decision to release the Lockerbie bomber, Abdelbaset al-Megrahi, from jail in Scotland to receive a hero’s welcome in Libya.

Shell said last night it had “no comment” to make on any discussions it had held with British ministers or other government officials about Libya, and the Foreign Office was unable to discuss these meetings.

When truth about Britain’s dealings with Libya turns out to be a mirage

EXTRACTS

Exactly what was going on inside the heads of British and Scottish government ministers during the fraught negotiations in recent months over the fate of Abdul Baset Ali al-Megrahi?

Both of Mr Blair’s trips coincided with the announcement of big trade agreements for Shell and then BP.

In an interview with the Glasgow Herald yesterday, Colonel Gaddafi’s son, Saif al-Islam Gaddafi, said: “It was part of the bargaining deal with the UK. When Tony Blair came here we signed the agreement . . . We signed an oil deal at the same time. The commerce and politics and deals were all with the PTA.”

High stakes in the shifting sands of the oil sector are not best served by low tactics

EXTRACTS

Whatever you think of the deal to allow the Lockerbie bomber Abdelbaset al-Megrahi to end his days with his family in Libya, British business interests are a big factor. Energy companies such as BP, Royal Dutch Shell and BG have been making steady inroads into Libya, where there are an estimated 44bn barrels of crude beneath the desert sands, since the then prime minister Tony Blair met for talks in Colonel Gaddafi’s tent in 2004; a second meeting between the two men in 2007 coincided with the signing of further deals. BP has already invested $900m (£550m), but that could rise to $20bn over the next 20 years.

Lockerbie bomber release: Lord Mandelson, his wealthy friends and the Libyan connection

EXTRACTS

Lord Mandelson, the Business Secreatry, is facing growing questions over his links with Saif Gaddafi, the son of Libyan leader Colonel Gadaffi, following the release of Lockerbie bomber Abdelbaset Ali Mohmed al Megrahi.

Less than a decade ago Libya was a pariah nation that was not only blamed for Lockerbie but also had a long history of sponsoring international terrorism.

So, shortly after Libya accepted responsibility for the Lockerbie attack in 2003 and agreed to compensate the families of the victims, Britain put down a resolution to remove the sanctions and, the following year, Mr Blair extended “the hand of friendship” to Colonel Gaddafi, who has now ruled Libya for 40 years. Huge trade deals followed for BP, Shell and others.

More recently, Britain has gone out of its way to embrace Libya. The Duke of York, Britain’s Special Representative for Trade and Investment, has forged close links, visiting the country three times in the last year alone.

Aides say Prince Andrew “quite possibly” discussed Megrahi’s case with Libyan officials in the past, but they deny the Queen’s son pushed for his release.

Shell has been stalking the Libyans ever since relations thawed

EXTRACTS

The compilation of articles printed below provide the answer to why Blair, Brown, and Brinded, have sucked up to the Libyan dictator Muammar al-Gaddafi ultimately responsible for the Pan-Am 103 bombing and other terrorist atrocities. They include the murder of a British police constable Yvonne Fletcher shot outside the Libyan Embassy in London while policing an anti-Gaddafi demonstration. A burst of machine-gun fire from within the building was suspected of killing her, but Libyan diplomats asserted their diplomatic immunity and were repatriated. The incident led to the breaking off of diplomatic relations between the United Kingdom and Libya for over a decade. (paragraph includes extracts from Wikipedia article)

The motive for the current duplicity and hypocrisy is the same as for the invasion of Iraq: Oil and Gas.

The Herald (Scotland): From isolation to a place on the world stage

EXTRACTS

Libya BRITAIN’S relationship with Libya has changed dramatically in the last four decades. When PanAm flight 103 exploded over Lockerbie in 1988, the Middle East nation was already regarded as a pariah state.

Two years later, Tony Blair met Gaddafi in Libya as it was announced that Shell had signed a deal worth up to £550m for gas exploration rights off the Libyan coast. In May 2006 Washington announced the full resumption of diplomatic ties with Libya.

Tony Blair travelled to Libya for a second time earlier this year when he signed the now infamous memorandum of understanding regarding prisoner transfers.

Despite denials from Downing Street, Libyan officials confirmed they had made it clear that moving Megrahi out of Scotland was the main reason for the discussions.

BP returns to Libya after 30 years

EXTRACTS

BP’s move back into Libya comes two years after rival Royal Dutch Shell announced its return to the country, timed to coincide with the Mr Blair’s 2004 visit.

Mr Blair became the first British leader in 60 years to visit Libya after Colonel Gaddafi abandoned efforts to produce weapons of mass destruction and handed over agents blamed for the bombing of an airliner over Lockerbie.

The Times: BP set to sign gas deal with Libya

EXTRACTS

The details of a $900 million (£454 million) gas exploration deal were due to be released last night as the centrepiece of a surprise visit to the former pariah state by Tony Blair.

Confirmation of the agreement would mark a milestone for BP continually dubbed “Blair Petroleum” because of its close ties to the Labour Government. It was forced to leave the North African country, seen by analysts as one of the few under explored regions in the world, in 1974 when Colonel Gaddafi said that he was going to renationalise the oil and gas industry.

Shell was one of the first Western companies to return when it unveiled a $1 billion gas exploration deal three years ago in Tony Blair’s last visit to Libya.

Oiling Libya’s diplomatic wheels

EXTRACT

Shell signed a deal in 2005 to upgrade an LNG plant, with exploration for gas leading to the first drilling last year.

While there’s little that’s clear about the decision on the Lockerbie bomber, the speculation extends to rumour that the departure of Megrahi from Greenock prison will open the door to a whole lot more deal-making with the Libyan government.

Shell won’t comment on its future plans, and BP’s spokeswoman claims the current contract will keep it busy enough for now.

BP, Gaddafi, and Britain’s oil comeuppance

Britain’s penchant for putting oil profits ahead of human life has a shameful precedent: Last year, the Scottish government released convicted Lockerbie bomber Abdel Basset al-Megrahi allegedly in exchange for lucrative oil contracts in Lybia.

UNFORTUNATELY BRITAIN’s penchant for putting oil profits ahead of human life has a shameful and recent precedent.

In an act of unforgettable infamy, the Scottish government last August released convicted Lockerbie bomber Abdel Basset al-Megrahi, who murdered 270 people, on “humanitarian grounds,” saying that he had only three months to live. The mass-murderer was immediately accorded a hero’s welcome by Muammar Gaddafi in Tripoli. FBI Director Robert Mueller published an angry letter to the Scottish government that said, “Your action makes a mockery of the rule of law. Your action gives comfort to terrorists around the world.”

From the beginning there was speculation that Megrahi’s release was brokered by the British government in exchange for lucrative British oil contracts with Libya.

And which British companies were pushing hardest to strike a deal with Gaddafi? Reuters named BP and Shell at the top of the list.

It is now 10 months since the Lockerbie bomber’s release. It appears that miracles still happen, because the previously terminally ill patient is somehow alive and well and, according to Gaddafi’s son, “greatly improved” now that he is home in Libya.

EXTRACTS END

Some further related articles…

The New York Times: Libya Signs Energy Exploration Deal With Shell

Financial Times: BLAIR IN LIBYA: British companies quick off the mark for deals

The Independent: Shell first off blocks in race to cash in on UK’s new friendship

Shell fills its boots in the desert sun

Shell signs landmark heads of agreement to re-enter Libya

Shell Says Sakhalin LNG Project With Gazprom Turns Profit

Bloomberg

By Ilya Khrennikov – Jul 14, 2010

Shell Says Sakhalin LNG Project With Gazprom Turns Profit, Vedomosti Says

Royal Dutch Shell Plc said its liquiefied natural gas venture with OAO Gazprom on Russia’s Sakhalin Island reached operational profitability, Vedomosti reported, citing Chief Executive Officer Peter Voser.

Shell is seeking licenses to produce oil in Russia, both by itself and with domestic companies, Voser was cited as saying in an interview published in the Moscow-based newspaper today.

Voser also reiterated Shell’s interest in joining Russia’s second LNG project, run by OAO Novatek on the Yamal Peninsula in the Arctic, Vedomosti reported.

SOURCE ARTICLE

Arrow approves takeover by Shell-PetroChina

REUTERS

SYDNEY | Wed Jul 14, 2010 5:59am BST

SYDNEY (Reuters) – Arrow Energy (AOE.AX) shareholders approved a $3.05 billion takeover by Royal Dutch Shell (RDSa.L) and PetroChina’s (0857.HK) on Wednesday, clearing the way for a final legal go-ahead due later this week.

Shareholders voted to demerge Arrow’s international assets into Dart Energy, a newly listed entity, and to sell the bulk of the company, including the coveted coal-seam gas assets to a consortium of Shell and PetroChina in an agreed deal.

The deal cleared a major regulatory hurdle on Wednesday after the National Development and Reform Commission of China recommended the offer and waived a requirement to obtain clearance from the State Administration of Foreign Exchange of China.

The last hurdle for the deal will be approval from the Federal Court of Australia, which is due to rule on the spin-off on July 16.

The Shell-PetroChina joint venture will integrate Arrow’s Australian assets with Shell’s existing CSG assets and Shell’s site for a planned Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) plant on Curtis Island, Queensland, the companies said previously.

Shell and PetroChina will each own 50 percent of the gas produced by the LNG plant and the Anglo-Dutch oil major said it was likely to sell its gas to China.

^> Shell and PetroChina offered A$4.70 a share for most of Arrow’s domestic coal seam gas assets. Arrow shareholders are also set to receive one share in Dart Energy, for each share in Arrow.

Arrow shares, which have risen more than 20 percent so far this calendar year, last traded at A$4.99.

(Reporting by Michael Smith; Editing by Ed Davies and Balazs Koranyi)

Takeover Rumors: Why Would Anyone Want to Buy BP?

From left, ExxonMobil chairman and CEO Rex Tillerson, Chevron chairman and CEO John Watson, ConocoPhillips CEO James Mulva, Shell Oil president Marvin Odum and BP America chairman and president Lamar McKay testify on Capitol Hill in Washington on Tuesday, June 15, 2010: Haraz N. Ghanbari / AP

By Vivienne Walt Tuesday, Jul. 13, 2010
Who would want BP? Perhaps one of the least-loved companies in the world right now, the energy giant is spending more than $30 million a day trying to clean up its catastrophic oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico. And that figure could pale in comparison with its legal liabilities for the Deepwater Horizon rig explosion if judges rule against the company in the dozens of lawsuits that have been filed in U.S. courts.

Despite all that, there have been rumors in recent days that BP’s biggest rivals are circling the company for a possible takeover or merger, even as its public image is surely at one of the lowest points in its 102-year history. The speculation began on July 11, when Britain’s Sunday Times newspaper published an article saying that both Chevron and ExxonMobil had sought clearance from U.S. officials to explore a possible deal with BP, valuing the company at about $100 billion. The paper quoted an unnamed source in the oil industry as saying, “There have been talks at a high level.” (See pictures of people protesting BP.)

If so, those talks seemed to have sputtered by the following day, when ExxonMobil executives flew from Texas to New York City for one of the company’s periodic road shows for big investors. Exxon’s managers told shareholders in Manhattan that while they might like to acquire BP’s massive assets, they thought U.S. officials would never accept the deal. “They said that given the political landscape and the regulatory hurdles, it’s very unlikely that any combination of major [oil] companies could happen,” says Fadel Gheit, an oil analyst for Oppenheimer & Co. in New York who helped arrange ExxonMobil’s meetings with investors. “A merger,” he says, “is possible, but unlikely.”

Here is why: Creating a supergiant energy company would cause major political ruptures in both the U.S. and Britain. If BP merged with either ExxonMobil or Chevron, it would create a firm worth potentially about $400 billion that would control oil and gas fields around the planet. Britons could well fight hard to keep one of their flagship corporations from leaving the country — similar to the way U.S. public outcry scuttled the sale of energy company Unocal to China’s CNOOC. “I can’t see either the U.S. or the British government letting someone come in and buy BP,” says Philip Weiss, a senior energy analyst for Argus Research in New York. U.S. politicians would abhor the idea, fearing that a merger would inevitably lead to huge job losses at a time of high unemployment — about 50,000 people were laid off after Exxon took over Mobil. “No politician is willing to be associated with this decision,” says Gheit. (See pictures of the Gulf oil spill.)

So what will BP do? Its costs for the oil spill — which has been gushing up to 60,000 bbl. a day since the explosion on April 20 — could amount to about $60 billion. That figure would be divided roughly equally among cleanup expenses, legal-liability claims and compensation for victims of the spill under U.S. law. While that is a huge sum, BP’s assets are worth a whopping $350 billion — including its oil and gas fields, refineries and retail gas stations — making the biggest oil spill in history a disaster the company could survive. (Comment on this story.)

Still, BP is already feeling the pain of the calamity. Just how much pain might be revealed on July 27, when BP is expected to present its quarterly earnings. The company’s fortunes have changed drastically since it released its latest quarterly earnings in late April. Then, BP estimated that about 1,000 bbl. a day were gushing into the Gulf of Mexico — a small fraction of the actual amount — and assured investors that it was not a huge problem. This time around, shareholders will likely demand to know how BP intends to pay for the Gulf of Mexico catastrophe, since the company’s stock has sunk about 40% since the Deepwater Horizon exploded, wiping out about $90 billion in market value, according to Gheit’s estimate. The company has already announced that it will not pay dividends and that it has cut capital spending.

But instead of BP executives putting the company on the block, industry watchers say, the company will probably sell off some of its sprawling assets, raising cash to pay for the oil spill, while trimming some of its less-prized operations. Despite BP’s troubled state, many companies might compete over sales, since they face dwindling opportunities to drill new wells — resources are increasingly controlled by state-run firms in many countries, while in other regions, oil production is dropping as fields age. In addition to that, President Obama on Tuesday imposed a new moratorium on deepwater drilling off the Gulf of Mexico and the California coast. (Watch TIME’s video “Portraits from the Oil Spill.”)

Several reports on Monday said BP was negotiating a $10 billion deal to sell its operations in Alaska’s Prudhoe Bay — where BP suffered a calamitous oil spill in 2006 — to Houston company Apache Corp., which specializes in buying old, declining oil fields from huge companies and then working them until they expire. Purchasing pieces of BP rather than the company itself would offer a key benefit to buyers: they wouldn’t be taking on BP’s giant legal responsibilities, with costs that could run to tens of billions of dollars. It could take several years to determine that figure, which will be set by juries. “The liability around this oil spill is unknown,” says Argus Research analyst Weiss. “And I don’t see how you can get someone willing to take that on. Especially since there is no knowing where it will end.”

High Court dismisses Todd claim over Pohokura “collusion”

Wellington, July 13 NZPA – The High Court has dismissed a claim that Shell colluded with Austrian oil company OMV by restricting the gas and oil they allowed to be produced from the Pohokura gas field and so disadvantaged third partner Todd.

Click to continue reading “High Court dismisses Todd claim over Pohokura “collusion””

BP shares rise as new well cap hailed as a success

guardian.co.uk home

Shares in BP have jumped almost 5% in early trading in London after news overnight that the oil giant has successfully fitted a larger containment cap on the well that has been spewing oil into the Gulf of Mexico since April.

BP will today run a series of tests on the new cap to see whether it can halt the flow of oil, diverting the entire stream to ships on the surface. The original cap was loosely fitted onto the wellhead and only recovered a fraction of the estimated 35,000-60,000 barrels of oil per day spewing out of the failed blowout preventer on the sea bed.

Permanently shutting off the well will not happen until next month, when two relief wells that BP has been drilling since May converge on the bottom of the existing well. They will be used to pump specialised heavy fluids into the well and seal it.

But news of the initial success of the new cap helped push BP shares up 15p to 414p in early trading.

The shares have halved since an explosion on the Deepwater Horizon on April 20 killed 11 people and began one of the largest environmental disasters in American history. The drop in the value of BP has made the oil company vulnerable to an opportunistic takeover by one of its rivals.

Weekend reports suggested the Obama administration has told ExxonMobil – the world’s largest oil firm – that it would not stand in the way of a takeover bid for its stricken British rival. A merger would create a group with a stock market value of $400bn.

Tony Hayward, BP’s chief executive, has been shuttling around the world trying to tempt sovereign wealth funds into investing in BP stock in order to try and stop a takeover. He is understood to have met with the Abu Dhabi Investment Authority (ADIA) and the Kuwait Investment Office, a current investor.

BP said yesterday that the clean-up has so far cost $3.5bn (£2.33bn) and currently involves 46,000 people, more than 6,400 vessels and dozens of aircraft.

In BP’s Record, a History of Boldness and Costly Blunders

THE NEW YORK TIMES

Thunder Horse, 2005 The 15-story oil platform in the Gulf of Mexico pitched in rough seas in the wake of Hurricane Dennis, tilting dangerously.

A version of this article appeared in print on July 13, 2010, on page A1 of the New York edition.

By SARAH LYALL

This article was reported by Sarah Lyall, Clifford Krauss and Jad Mouawad and written by Ms. Lyall.

Hurricane Dennis had already come and gone on July 11, 2005, when a passing ship spotted a shocking sight in the Gulf of Mexico: Thunder Horse, BP’s hulking $1 billion oil platform, was listing precariously to one side, looking for all the world as if it were about to sink.

Towering 15 stories above the water’s surface, Thunder Horse was meant to be the company’s crowning glory, the embodiment of its bold gamble to outpace its competitors in finding and exploiting the vast reserves of oil beneath the waters of the gulf.

Instead, the rig, which was supposed to produce about 20 percent of the gulf’s oil output, became a symbol of BP’s hubris. A valve installed backward had caused the vessel to flood during the hurricane, jeopardizing the project before any oil had even been pumped. Other problems, discovered later, included a welding job so shoddy that it left underwater pipelines brittle and full of cracks.

“It could have been catastrophic,” said Gordon A. Aaker Jr., a senior engineering consultant on the project. “You would have lost a lot of oil a mile down before you would have even known. It could have been a helluva spill — much like the Deepwater Horizon.”

The problems at Thunder Horse were not an anomaly, but a warning that BP was taking too many risks and cutting corners in pursuit of growth and profits, according to analysts, competitors and former employees. Despite a catalog of crises and near misses in recent years, BP has been chronically unable or unwilling to learn from its mistakes, an examination of its record shows.

“They were very arrogant and proud and in denial,” said Steve Arendt, a safety specialist who assisted the panel appointed by BP to investigate the company’s refineries after a deadly 2005 explosion at its Texas City, Tex., facility. “It is possible they were fooled by their success.”

Indeed, there was a great deal of success to admire. In little more than a decade, BP grew from a middleweight into the industry’s second-largest company, behind only Exxon Mobil, with soaring profits, fat dividends and a share price to match.

From its base in London, the company struck bold deals in politically volatile areas like Angola and Azerbaijan and pushed technology to the limit in the remotest reaches of Alaska and the deepest waters of the Gulf of Mexico — “the tough stuff that others cannot or choose not to do,” as its chief executive, Tony Hayward, once put it.

The company also led an industry wave of cost-cutting and consolidation. It took over American competitors like Amoco and Atlantic Richfield and eliminated tens of thousands of jobs in several rounds, streamlining management but forcing the company to rely more heavily on outside contractors.

For a long time, BP’s strategy seemed to pay off. But on April 20, the nightmare situation occurred: the Deepwater Horizon drilling rig exploded, killing 11 workers and sending millions of gallons of oil gushing from BP’s Macondo well like so much black poison.

Although the accident is still under investigation, preliminary findings by Congressional investigators indicate that BP made a series of decisions that compounded the chances of disaster.

BP declined to make Mr. Hayward or other executives available for this article. But in an interview last month, Robert Dudley, the BP board member now in charge of the gulf spill response, denied that the accident reflected a corporate disregard for safety.

“I think we will find that this was an incredibly complicated set of events with individual decisions and equipment failures that led to a very complicated industrial accident,” he said.

BP is hardly the only oil company that has taken on difficult projects with a shaky safety net. But the company’s attitude toward risk stands in contrast to that of its competitors, most notably Exxon Mobil, whose searing experience with the Exxon Valdez spill in 1989 spurred a wholesale change in its approach to safety.

“You can have the best intentions in the world, you can have the best equipment in the world, but it’s a combination of intentions, equipment and judgment that keeps accidents out of the workplace,” said Joseph H. Bryant, who ran BP’s operations in Angola from 2000 to 2004 and who is now chief executive of Cobalt International Energy. “If you are going to ask people to innovate, you’d better make sure that they know that any risks they take are manageable.”

A Focus on the Basics

When Tony Hayward became BP’s chief executive in May 2007, he promised to get the company back to basics.

One of his first moves was to remove the modern art adorning the company’s swanky London headquarters, including an endless video of gently waving corn projected onto one wall. In its place went prosaic photographs of BP service stations, platforms and pipelines.

A plain-spoken geologist and longtime company man, Mr. Hayward dispensed with the limousine used by his socially prominent predecessor, John Browne, and closed the concierge desk in the lobby that had helped employees with dry cleaning and theater tickets.

“BP makes its money by someone, somewhere, every day putting on boots, coveralls, a hard hat and glasses, and going out and turning valves,” Mr. Hayward said in a speech at Stanford Business School last year. “And we’d sort of lost track of that.”

Mr. Hayward also pledged to fix the safety problems that contributed to the downfall of his predecessor. Though the company would continue doing the “tough stuff,” he declared, it would make safety its “No. 1 priority.”

In the realm of personal safety, Mr. Hayward expanded on Mr. Browne’s initiatives. Visitors today see signs at company offices exhorting workers not to walk and carry hot coffee at the same time, to stick to marked walkways in parking lots and to grasp banisters while climbing the stairs. Employees with company cars must take defensive driving courses.

Mr. Hayward also set up a new companywide management system to evaluate risks, standardize safety practices and improve decision-making.

In a memorandum to employees on Friday, he noted that before Deepwater Horizon, the company’s safety record had been improving. “This accident has been a terrible exception to that trend and we must learn the lessons from it,” he wrote. “But at the same time, it does not invalidate all the hard work you have put in to improve our safety standards around the world. Safety is our first priority. It will remain so.”

But American regulators and some members of Congress say that despite such talk, the company continues its risky behavior.

“The way safety is measured is generally around worker injuries and days away from work, and that measure of safety is irrelevant when you are looking at the likelihood that a facility like an oil refinery could explode,” said David Michaels, assistant secretary of labor for occupational safety and health. “This is comparable to saying that an airline is safe because the pilots and mechanics haven’t been injured.”

A Story Begun in Persia

BP was born in 1908 when a rich Englishman named William Knox D’Arcy struck oil in Iran and formed the Anglo-Persian Oil Company. Treating the locals as little more than imperial subjects, the company, partly owned by the British government, expanded across the region, its fortunes intertwined with those of the British Empire.

But as oil-rich countries around the world began nationalizing their oil fields, British Petroleum, as it later became known, was forced to retreat and find new strategies along with the rest of the industry.

In 1995, the British government sold the last of its stake in the company and the charismatic Mr. Browne took over.

A highly visible supporter of the Royal Opera House, the National Gallery and Prime Minister Tony Blair, Mr. Browne transformed the company into a global behemoth, boldly acquiring properties around the world and rechristening it BP.

Unlike some of his more cautious competitors, Mr. Browne ignored small projects and went after the riskiest, most expensive and potentially most lucrative ventures — “elephants,” in industry jargon. Under him, BP’s share price more than doubled and its cash dividend tripled, making it a darling of investors.

But even as he became the toast of Britain’s business world and was made a knight and member of the House of Lords, Mr. Browne was ruthlessly slashing costs. He outsourced many operations and fired tens of thousands of employees, including many engineers.

Tom Kirchmaier, a lecturer in strategy at the Manchester Business School, said that Mr. Browne tried to run BP like a financial company, rotating managers into new jobs with tough profit targets and then moving them before they had to deal with the consequences. The troubled Texas City refinery, for example, had five managers in six years.

Mr. Browne, now advising Britain’s coalition government on its cost-cutting campaign, declined to comment for this article. In his new autobiography, “Beyond Business,” he said, “I transformed a company, challenged a sector, and prompted political and business leaders to change.”

Mr. Browne resigned under pressure in 2007, his reputation tarnished by a lie he told in court papers about his relationship with a male companion.

However, Mr. Browne’s fall from grace really began on March 23, 2005, when 15 people died and more than 170 were injured in America’s worst industrial accident in a generation: a huge fire and explosion at Texas City.

A Troubled Workplace

Acquired by BP in the Amoco purchase, the Texas City plant was America’s second-largest refinery, turning 460,000 barrels of crude oil a day into gasoline. But the facility, built in 1934, was poorly maintained and long starved of capital investment.

“We have never seen a site where the notion ‘I could die today’ was so real,” the Telos Group, a consulting firm hired to examine conditions at the plant, said in a report two months before the accident.

The explosion occurred when a 170-foot tower was being filled with liquid hydrocarbons. Because of poor communication among several workers who had been on 12-hour shifts for more than a month straight, no one noticed that the tower was filled too high.

A 20-foot geyser of unstable chemicals shot into the sky, and the vapor ignited when a contractor, trying to get away, repeatedly tried to start the engine on his stalling pickup truck.

The subsequent investigations were scathing. The explosion was “caused by organizational and safety deficiencies at all levels of BP,” the United States Chemical Safety Board concluded in one report.

The government ultimately found more than 300 safety violations, and BP agreed to pay a then record $21 million in fines.

A year later, there was a new calamity: 267,000 gallons of oil leaked from BP’s network of pipelines in Prudhoe Bay, Alaska.

It was the worst spill ever on the North Slope, and once again, the cause was preventable. Investigators found widespread corrosion in several miles of under-maintained and poorly inspected pipes. BP eventually paid more than $20 million in fines and restitution.

While these two accidents drew most public attention, serious problems were also brewing offshore, at BP’s Thunder Horse platform.

Mr. Aaker, the engineering consultant who worked on it, said BP’s bosses rushed construction of the intricately designed vessel, moving it to the gulf before it was ready to “demonstrate to their shareholders that the project was on time and on schedule.”

Once the rig was at sea, several hundred people at a time frantically worked to complete it, sleeping in cramped, chaotic conditions on board a temporary encampment of ships.

“It was like having the plumbers, the electricians and the bricklayers come to a construction site at the same time as they are laying the concrete,” said Mr. Aaker, who is now assisting the House Energy and Commerce Committee in its investigation of Deepwater Horizon. “This was not methodical.”

Nor was it safe.

The near sinking of Thunder Horse in 2005 was caused by a shockingly simple mistake: a check valve had been installed backward, and that caused water to flood into, rather than out of, the rig when it heated up during the hurricane.

After costly repairs to fix that damage, BP discovered a more significant problem: rudimentary mistakes in the welding of pipes in the underwater manifold, which connects dozens of wells and helps carry the oil back to the platform, had caused dangerous cracks and breaks.

Had the well been active, the damaged pipes would have caused a major oil spill. As it was, the company had to remotely rip out, retrieve and fix dozens of complex and heavy pieces of equipment lying on the sea floor, some weighing more than 400 tons.

Altogether, the blunders cost BP and its minority partner, Exxon Mobil, hundreds of millions of dollars in repairs and set back production, today at 300,000 barrels of oil and oil equivalents a day, by three years.

Although the Deepwater Horizon accident involved an exploration rig, not a production platform, a similar carelessness and disregard for safety was evident in BP’s decisions there, according to preliminary findings by the House Energy and Commerce Committee. “In effect, it appears that BP repeatedly chose risky procedures in order to reduce costs and save time and made minimal efforts to contain the added risk,” wrote Henry A. Waxman, the committee chairman, and Bart Stupak, chairman of its subcommittee on oversight and investigations.

BP took a different sort of risk in Russia, forming a 50-50 joint venture in 2003 with that nation’s unpredictable oligarchs to gain access to the vast resources beneath the Siberian taiga.

The deal, which accounted for about one-quarter of BP’s global oil reserves, nearly collapsed in 2008, when the Russian government sought tighter control over its energy sector. After a nasty public fight, BP was forced to hand over operational control of the venture to its Russian partners, although it continues to reap vast profits from it.

BP stepped into another tricky political situation last year, when Iraq offered foreign companies $2 a barrel to help it increase production from its oil fields, which had suffered from years of war and neglect. BP’s competitors blanched at the low price, but Mr. Hayward teamed up with a Chinese state-owned company and accepted the deal.

The chairman of a rival company was so enraged that he called Mr. Hayward and demanded: “Tony, have you gone mad?” BP’s move forced other companies to agree to similar terms. As one analyst noted, it was “disastrous to profitability” for the industry.

Old Habits Die Hard

Time and again, BP has insisted that it has learned how to balance risk and safety, efficiency and profit. Yet the evidence suggests that fundamental change has been elusive.

Revisiting Texas City in 2009, inspectors from the Occupational Safety and Health Administration found more than 700 safety violations and proposed a record fine of $87.4 million — topping the earlier record set by BP in the 2005 accident. Most of the penalties, the agency said, were because BP had failed to live up to the previous settlement fully.

In March of this year, OSHA found 62 violations at BP’s Ohio refinery, proposing $3 million more in penalties.

“Senior management told us they are very serious about safety, but we observed that they haven’t translated their words into safe working procedures and practices, and they have difficulty applying the lessons learned from refinery to refinery or even from within refineries,” said Mr. Michaels, the OSHA administrator.

BP is contesting OSHA’s allegations, saying it has made substantial improvements at both facilities.

Accidents have also continued to plague BP’s pipelines in Alaska. Most recently, on May 25, a power failure led to a leak that overwhelmed a storage tank and spilled about 200,000 gallons of oil — the third-largest spill on the Trans-Alaska Pipeline System.

Mr. Dudley, the BP executive overseeing the gulf response, said it was unfair to blame cultural failings at BP for the string of accidents.

“Everyone realized we had to operate safely and reliably, particularly in the U.S., to restore a reputation that was damaged by the accident at Texas City,” he said. “So I don’t accept, and have not witnessed, this cutting of corners and the sacrifice of safety to drive results.”

Mr. Waxman, whose committee is investigating the Deepwater Horizon accident, has a very different view. When Mr. Hayward testified a month ago, the representative upbraided him: “There is a complete contradiction between BP’s words and deeds. You were brought in to make safety the top priority of BP. But under your leadership, BP has taken the most extreme risks.”

“BP cut corner after corner to save a million dollars here and a few hours there,” Mr. Waxman said. “And now the whole Gulf Coast is paying the price.”

Brett Coomer/Houston Chronicle

Texas City, 2005 A 20-foot geyser of unstable chemicals ignited at the refinery, killing 15 workers. Built in 1934, the refinery was poorly maintained.

SOURCE ARTICLE

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Times Topic: Gulf of Mexico Oil Spill (2010)

Appointment of ombudsman to Corrib gas advised

The Irish Times – Monday, July 12, 2010

LORNA SIGGINS, Western Correspondent

A FORMER board member of Norwegian oil and gas company Statoil has advised that the appointment of a new ombudsman trusted by “all stakeholders” may be the only route to resolution of the Corrib gas dispute in north Mayo.

However, the Government should never have permitted construction of the gas infrastructure in the current location, Stein Bredal, a former trade union representative on Statoil’s board, said in Galway at the weekend. Statoil is a partner with Shell and Vermilion Energy in the Corrib gas project.

Mr Bredal also said that Minister of State for Natural Resources Conor Lenihan was “naive” to state that a BP Gulf of Mexico-type incident could not happen in Irish waters.

Mr Bredal spent 25 years working on offshore rigs. He took a keen interest in health and safety following the capsize of the Alexander L Kielland semi-submersible drilling rig on the Norwegian Ekofisk oilfield in March 1980, killing 123 people. He had been due to fly out to start a shift on the rig when the capsize occurred.

“Accidents do happen, even in Norway with our experience and tight regulation,” he said.

Mr Bredal was elected to Statoil’s board as representative of the Federation of Offshore Workers’ Trade Unions in 2000 and served until 2006.

He also unsuccessfully opposed the semi-privatisation of Statoil, as he believed semi-privatisation would dilute the emphasis on social responsibility. “Statoil’s approach in Norway was to ask the community first what it wanted from a project, and to listen,” Mr Bredal said. “It was only when it joined with BP to work in other countries that it moved away from this model.”

“The Norwegian authorities were naive about this partnership” he said. “BP had the contacts but no money, and Statoil had the money but no contacts.” Mr Bredal said that one could not be “totally against” oil and gas exploitation if it brought wealth to countries, but the history of resource exploitation was not always happy.

“The reality is that good economics is often seen as more important than good relations with communities,” he said.

When oil was first found in the North Sea, Norway was “very lucky to have had some strong politicians who planned for the future”, and ensured that the Norwegian state built up expertise in the oil and gas industry, took a 78 per cent tax stake, and ran a state company, he said.

Oil and gas companies tended to act totally on behalf of shareholders, he said, and were in a position to hire the best legal expertise, and were also able to hire journalists to work for them. A common public relations strategy was to present critics of projects or project methodology as “crazies or fundamentalists”, he said.

Mr Bredal said the Norwegian public was generally “not aware” of Statoil’s role in the controversial Corrib gas project in north Mayo, although there had been media coverage of several visits by delegations from Mayo, including one led by Labour Party president Michael D Higgins in 2008.

Mr Bredal was in Galway to attend Risteard Ó Dómhnaill’s documentary, The Pipe , about the Corrib gas controversy, which was screened during the Galway Film Fleadh.

SOURCE ARTICLE

EXTRACT FROM RELATED ARTICLE: Best feature documentary went to Risteard Ó Domhnaill’s The Pipe . Four years in the making, the picture concerns itself with the people of Rossport, Co Mayo, as they wrestle with Shell’s plans to lay a gas pipeline there.