Corporate Governance – Royal Dutch Shell Plc .com http://royaldutchshellplc.com News and information on Royal Dutch Shell Plc Sun, 15 Jul 2018 17:02:48 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=4.9.7 https://i0.wp.com/royaldutchshellplc.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/04/cropped-Screen-Shot-2017-03-31-at-15.44.47.jpg?fit=32%2C32 Corporate Governance – Royal Dutch Shell Plc .com http://royaldutchshellplc.com 32 32 4172002 SHELL IN OGONILAND: TORTURE AND ILL-TREATMENT http://royaldutchshellplc.com/2018/07/07/shell-in-ogoniland-torture-and-ill-treatment/ http://royaldutchshellplc.com/2018/07/07/shell-in-ogoniland-torture-and-ill-treatment/#comments Sat, 07 Jul 2018 16:44:51 +0000 http://royaldutchshellplc.com/?p=97412 SHELL IN OGONILAND: TORTURE AND ILL-TREATMENT was first posted on July 7, 2018 at 5:44 pm.
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Two Ogoni fishermen have described how they were arrested by members of the police unit seconded to guard Shell personnel and installations (known as the Supernumerary or SPY police) on 22 June 1994. In a letter faxed to journalists after their release
from prison in October 1998, Kagbara Bassee and Blessing Israel said that the police arrested them at Benson Beach, Akwa Ibon State. They said that the police officers, who were accompanied by Shell staff, beat them with batons, knocking Blessing Israel unconscious.

Extracts from pages 27, 28 & 29 of an Amnesty International document headed: “A CRIMINAL ENTERPRISE? SHELL’S INVOLVEMENT IN HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN NIGERIA IN THE 1990s”

In July 1994, the Dutch ambassador told Shell Nigeria’s then chairperson Brian Anderson that the army had killed some 800 Ogonis.

EXTRACT BEGINS

TORTURE AND OTHER ILL-TREATMENT OF DETAINEES

During this time, numerous people – mostly from Ogoniland – were detained and held in military-run camps and subjected to torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment. Many were arbitrarily arrested and detained without charge for varying periods in 1994 and 1995 at either Bori Military Camp, in Port Harcourt, or the military detention centre set up in what used to be the police station in Kpor, in Ogoniland.102

Two environmentalists (Oronto Douglas and Nick Ashton-Jones) who went to visit Ledum Mitee, the MOSOP vice-president, in detention in the Bori Military Camp, on 26 June 1994, have described how they were detained, flogged and threatened with execution, on Paul Okuntimo’s orders.103 Nick Ashton-Jones described his experience:

“I was taken out and told to lie face down on the floor and given about 9 strokes across my lower back and buttocks: painful but not enough to break the skin. The whip was made of a double length of 10mm electrical cable and the man who used it was clearly as afraid of Major (now Lt. Col.) Okuntimo as we were.”104

In a verbal deposition recorded as part of the US legal action, Boniface Ejiogu, who was Paul Okuntimo’s orderly from May 1994, confirmed that the ISTF tortured Ogoni chiefs and youths, often beating them with horse whips (koboko):

“There were men with underwear and they would ask all of them to face the ground. They were handcuffed like this, handcuffed them like this. There is not enough handcuffs so our soldiers use this barbed wire, cut barbed wire with nails and handcuff them, tie them behind...All of them face the ground. Others receive koboko, mostly the chiefs they give them koboko. They will go to Okuntimo’s office, community chiefs.”105

A chief who was taken to Kpor on 21 May 1994, recounted to Human Rights Watch that when he refused to respond to Lieutenant-Colonel Okuntimo’s inquiries about the murders and MOSOP, he was ordered to strip and lie face down on the ground. He recalled:

“As I was lying there with my arms out at a 90 degree angle, Okuntimo ordered two soldiers standing on either side of me to whip me on the buttocks. The two men took turns hitting me, thirty lashes each, striking only when Okuntimo told them to do so. I couldn’t walk when they finished.”106

A man arrested in late June 1994 and taken to Kpor, told Human Rights Watch how he and four other villagers were forced to walk on their knees inside their cell for close to an hour while soldiers beat them with kobokos. Another man, who was also whipped at Kpor, was ordered to show other Ogonis his lash marks so they would not participate in MOSOP activities.107

The human rights violations continued in 1995. Victor Wifa, who provided a deposition in the US legal action, said he took part in peaceful protest marches against Shell in Ogoniland. The ISTF raided his home and arrested him in July 1995. He said he was also detained at the Kpor camp and subjected to beatings and torture. On the third day, he remembered being ordered to sign a piece of paper which he recalls involved agreeing to “never participate in any MOSOP activities and that I will not protest against Shell coming to Ogoni to operate anymore.” When he refused, soldiers ordered him to put his hands on the ground and then shot one of his fingers off.108 During his deposition in 2003, according to the transcript, Victor Wifa showed lawyers his missing finger.109 Ken Saro-Wiwa and other people arrested in connection with the murder of the four chiefs reported being subjected to torture or other ill-treatment while held at the Bori Military Camp and the Kpor detention centre, under the control of Paul Okuntimo.

Evidence of torture and other ill-treatment of the detainees emerged during their subsequent trial (details below). According to an affidavit, which was read out on the second day of the trial, Ken Saro-Wiwa said he was regularly beaten, held in manacles in a cell containing 30 other Ogoni prisoners, and denied food and medical care while in detention.110 Baribor Bera, a member of the MOSOP youth organization, NYCOP, told the court that after his arrest he had been brutally tortured, forced to sign a confession and implicate other defendants.111 On 23 February 1995 he showed the tribunal scars from beatings he said he had received at the Kpor detention centre: he said that he was stripped naked, tied to a pillar, flogged with a koboko and made to swallow teeth knocked out as a result of being beaten.112 On 27 June 1995, Paul Levula told the tribunal that he had been strung up by his hands for a long period on two occasions by the police in Port Harcourt following his arrest.113 Nordu Eawo, another NYCOP member, said that a leading prosecution witness had initially detained him and taken to the witness’ house, where he was beaten and cut on the genitals and head with a sharp stick by other prosecution witnesses.114 Nordu Eawo said that a tape-recording made at the time of this assault was later used by the police to prepare a statement, which he was forced to mark with his thumbprint. Another of the accused, Daniel Gbokoo, also claimed he was badly beaten during questioning by the police.115

Two Ogoni fishermen have described how they were arrested by members of the police unit seconded to guard Shell personnel and installations (known as the Supernumerary or SPY police) on 22 June 1994. In a letter faxed to journalists after their release
from prison in October 1998, Kagbara Bassee and Blessing Israel said that the police arrested them at Benson Beach, Akwa Ibon State. They said that the police officers, who were accompanied by Shell staff, beat them with batons, knocking Blessing Israel unconscious. After five days in the police’s detention, they were collected by the ISTF and transferred to Kpor, where the ill-treatment continued.

“We were all beaten half-dead and they told us that it is said that we the youths are the ones who destabilize the effort of government and stopped Shell of their operation.”116

The two men were held along with 19 other men on the same charges as Ken Saro-Wiwa and the “Ogoni Nine.”117 Shell denied that its staff were involved in their arrest.118 In August 1995 Clement Tusima, one of this group of detainees, died in detention as a result of malnutrition, poor prison conditions and medical neglect, Amnesty International reported at the time.119

Footnotes

102. Human Rights Watch, Nigeria: A Case Study of Military Repression in Southeastern Nigeria.
103. Excerpt of letter from Nicholas Ashton-Jones to Michael Birnbaum QC, 8 April 1995, reprinted in Michael Birnbaum QC, Nigerian Fundamental Rights Denied, Appendix 5A, p. 12.
104. Excerpt of letter from Nicholas Ashton-Jones to Michael Birnbaum, QC, April 8, 1995; reprinted in Michael Birnbaum, QC, Nigeria: Fundamental Rights Denied (London: Article 19, June 1995), Appendix 5A, p. 12.
105. Deposition of Boniface Ejiogu, Part I, 22 May 2004, p. 54.
106. Human Rights Watch, Nigeria: A Case Study of Military Repression in Southeastern Nigeria.
107. Human Rights Watch, Nigeria: A Case Study of Military Repression in Southeastern Nigeria.
108. Deposition of Victor B. Wifa, 2 April 2002, p. 133-5.
109. Deposition of Victor B. Wifa, 2 April 2002, p. 133
110. Transcript of the Ogoni Civil Disturbances Tribunal, Day 2, 21 February 1995, p. 33-37.
111. Transcript of the Ogoni Civil Disturbances Tribunal, Day 4, 23 February 1995, p. 41-5.
112. Transcript of the Ogoni Civil Disturbances Tribunal, Day 4, 23 February 1995, p. 45.
113. Amnesty International, Nigeria: The Ogoni Trials and Detentions (Index: AFR 44/020/1995), p. 9.
114. Amnesty International, Nigeria: The Ogoni Trials and Detentions (Index: AFR 44/020/1995).
115. Statement by Dabiel Gbokoo, 9 July 1994.
116. Letter from Kagbara Bassee and Blessing Israel, 27 October 1998.
117. The Nigerian government eventually set the men free unconditionally in 1998, following General Abacha’s death. Ian Black, Nigeria frees 20 Ogonis
jailed with Saro-Wiwa, The Guardian (UK), 9 September 1998, https://www.theguardian.com/world/1998/sep/09/ianblack
118. Associated Press, UK: Shell Oil Company Deny Allegations Of Torture In Nigeria Update, 11 August 1998, http://www.aparchive.com/metadata/you-tube/8e86477a83e7771c27a29a40ab37f857
119. Amnesty International, Urgent Action, 19 August 1997 (AI Index: AFR 44/17/97), available at file://intsec.amnesty.org/data/users/mark.dummett/Downloads/afr440171997en.pdf

royaldutchshellplc.com and its sister websites royaldutchshellgroup.com, shellnews.net and cybergriping.com are all owned by John Donovan
SHELL IN OGONILAND: TORTURE AND ILL-TREATMENT was first posted on July 7, 2018 at 5:44 pm.
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Shell’s festival of unbelievable bullshit http://royaldutchshellplc.com/2018/06/28/shells-festival-of-unbelievable-bullshit/ Thu, 28 Jun 2018 19:20:44 +0000 http://royaldutchshellplc.com/?p=97321 Shell’s festival of unbelievable bullshit was first posted on June 28, 2018 at 8:20 pm.
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By Darren Cullen, artist and writer

When a corporation’s business model revolves around destroying the possibility of human life on earth, sometimes people think that’s not a good thing and they ask if they could maybe not do that. But there’s something about the billions of dollars a corporation can make from engineering the apocalypse that makes it want to not stop, and makes it want to do it more. So instead of not killing everyone, corporations like Shell turn to advertising to make killing everyone seem actually kind of cool.

Make the Future is the latest in flimsy greenwash PR from an oil company pretending it can save the world from oil companies. The amount of money they’ve thrown at this thing is staggering, multiple star-studded music video adverts, social media campaigns, a four day event in London’s Olympic Park, a full-spectrum media blitz, and to justify it all, the funding of a few puny green-technology gadgets like a footstep-powered hotdog van and a gravity-powered lamp.

The purpose of such underwhelming green technology is not to replace the need for carbon-polluting oil or gas, but to nibble around the edges of the problem so Shell can continue to extract and burn ever increasing amounts of hydrocarbons into an already overheated atmosphere while pretending to be an active part of the solution to global warming. Shell’s propaganda might be paper-thin, but advertising doesn’t need to make sense to be effective. The plan, like most greenwashing marketing campaigns, is simply to clobber millennials over the head with the message that Shell is an ethical, environmentally-conscious company until enough of them start to believe it. Judging by the fawning comments left by some misguided teens on the Shell music video ads, some of it appears to be working.

Luckily most people are not so easily fooled and there’s been a backlash brewing against Shell’s slickly produced lies. In the last few weeks, subvertising group Brandalism started putting up dozens of anti-Shell posters designed by a host of artists, including Bill Posters, Billy Fisher, Phire, Tommy Gooch, Billy Bindley, and myself, in bus stop ad spaces in cities around the country, including outside Shell headquarters in London.

These ‘subverts’ hammer out the absurdity of Shell’s propaganda and weirdly enough Shell isn’t into it. Last week they had Brandalism’s satirical Facebook page about Make the Future taken offline. Then a few days ago their lawyers served me a cease and desist over anti-Shell pin badges and t-shirts I’ve been selling to raise funds in order to make more anti-oil and gas artworks. The prospect of people wearing these to Shell’s ‘Make the Future’ carnival of bad ideas next month must have spooked them.

Not having the resources to fight a legal battle with one of the world’s largest (and most evil) corporations, I have few options but to remove the listings from my website by their lawyer’s deadline, forcing me into a literal fire-sale of the remaining apocalypse-themed merch. Unfortunately for Shell, this ham-fisted attempt at revenge has resulted in more sales in a week than I could expect in a year, allowing me to raise a protest-art war chest for the express purpose of pissing off Shell forever.

But why Shell? It’s true there are no good oil companies, but Shell’s greenwashing campaign leaves a particularly bad taste in the mouth, especially in contrast to its accelerating investment in fracking and other wildly destructive oil and gas extraction techniques such as shale oil, not to mention its history of brutal human rights abuses, aggressive lobbying against climate legislation and historic climate change denialism.

But of course there are other notable examples, BP’s ridiculous rebranding to ‘Beyond Petroleum’ in 2000 with its accompanying flower logo still sticks in the throat as a monumental work of greenwashing garbage, potentially unsurpassable by even the worst of oil company music videos.

But it’s the oil industry’s increasing attempts to position ‘natural’ gas as a replacement fuel for dwindling oil supplies that presents the longest-term threat. They clearly love the ‘natural’ in the name, but gas is only as natural as oil or cyanide and only slightly less dangerous. The fact Shell drop natural gas into their pop-agenda videos as one of the energy innovations they’ve developed alongside gravity lights and roadside wind turbines shows the entire conceit for what it is.

Oil companies like to talk about the ‘energy mix’ of oil and gas as well as renewables to divert the conversation away from abolishing their industry. But an accelerated transition away from and abolition of the oil and gas industry is the only thing that gives human civilisation (alongside millions of other animal and plant species) a fighting chance of survival.

At the heart of all of this is the false idea that technological solutions alone can save us from the worst ravages of climate change. When scientists tell us that we need drastic global reductions in carbon emissions right now in order to survive, a few solar powered torches and recycling a bunch of plastic bottles into trainers isn’t going to cut it. What both we as a species and the planet desperately need is a radical restructuring of our economy, the likes of which was last seenduring WWII.

We urgently need to nationalize oil and gas companies in order to force them to invest heavily in a replacement zero-emission energy infrastructure based entirely on renewables, as well as retooling the arms industry to manufacture the thousands of turbines and solar panels required for the task. If that all sounds far-fetched, imagine the prospect of many of the world’s most important cities being lost to the sea. That sounds far-fetched too, but it is an inevitable fact of the future history of humanity if we fail to act drastically and collectively against the oil and gas industry giants, before their suicidal business model kills us all.

Darren Cullen is an artist and writer based in London. He is best known for his ‘Action Man: Battlefield Casualties’ satirical action figures and ‘Pocket Money Loans’, a payday loan shop for kids that was featured at Banksy’s Dismaland. His work can be found at spellingmistakescostlives.com

Shell sent me a cease and desist letter saying I have to stop selling these apocalypse-themed products on my website in 7 days. More details and links to buy on my website. All funds go towards utterly pissing Shell off forever.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

SOURCE

royaldutchshellplc.com and its sister websites royaldutchshellgroup.com, shellnews.net and cybergriping.com are all owned by John Donovan
Shell’s festival of unbelievable bullshit was first posted on June 28, 2018 at 8:20 pm.
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SHELL SCANDALS http://royaldutchshellplc.com/2018/06/23/shell-scandals/ Sat, 23 Jun 2018 16:46:31 +0000 http://royaldutchshellplc.com/?p=97210 SHELL SCANDALS was first posted on June 23, 2018 at 5:46 pm.
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Extracts from the ebook “John Donovan, Shell’s Nightmare” (now available on Amazon websites globally)

Extract from page 147.

I publish articles on my website penned by me and authored by Shell insiders and former Shell employees.

A brief selection:

Roll call of Shell toxic brands deadly to insects, crop pests AND humans: 20 August 2010

Shell Corrib employee group leaking information to website: 6 August 2010

Adventures in Shell ‘Matulaland’: 11 June 2010

DATA SECURITY BREACH AT SHELL PUTS ITS EMPLOYEES AT RISK: 4 February 2010

Shell’s North Sea history of safety violations, blackmail and blacklisting: 28 January 2010

SEX, DRUGS & CORRUPTION SPONSORED BY SHELL

News headlines file for Royal Dutch Shell Sex and Drugs Scandal: 27 May 2009

Royal Dutch Shell Fat Cat Malcolm Brinded: Big Brain but no scruples: 28 May 2009

Retired Shell Executive, Paddy Briggs, traces the firm’s reputational demise: “the reputation of Shell has been destroyed by hypocrisy, mendacity and deceit.”: 09.25: Wednesday 27 July 2005

royaldutchshellplc.com and its sister websites royaldutchshellgroup.com, shellnews.net and cybergriping.com are all owned by John Donovan
SHELL SCANDALS was first posted on June 23, 2018 at 5:46 pm.
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HISTORICAL OVERVIEW: ARREST OF MOSOP LEADERS, MORE VIOLENCE IN OGONILAND http://royaldutchshellplc.com/2018/06/23/historical-overview-arrest-of-mosop-leaders-more-violence-in-ogoniland/ Sat, 23 Jun 2018 16:21:12 +0000 http://royaldutchshellplc.com/?p=97205 HISTORICAL OVERVIEW: ARREST OF MOSOP LEADERS, MORE VIOLENCE IN OGONILAND was first posted on June 23, 2018 at 5:21 pm.
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It is not known how many people died during the raids, which lasted until August 1994, when the military claimed to have successfully “restored peace” to Ogoniland. In July, the Dutch ambassador told Shell Nigeria’s then chairperson Brian Anderson that the army had killed some 800 Ogonis.

Extracts from pages 25, 26 & 27 of an Amnesty International document headed: “A CRIMINAL ENTERPRISE? SHELL’S INVOLVEMENT IN HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN NIGERIA IN THE 1990s”

EXTRACT BEGINS

ARREST OF MOSOP LEADERS AND FURTHER VIOLENCE IN OGONILAND

On 21 May 1994, four of the traditional Ogoni leaders, who had fallen out with Ken Saro-Wiwa the previous year, were attacked while they were holding a meeting in Giokoo, Ogoniland. Because of serious flaws in the investigation and subsequent trial, and because prosecution witnesses gave conflicting accounts of what happened, the key facts surrounding the killings have never been fully established. According to the version put forward by the prosecution, the attack was carried out by a mob of hundreds of men.82 The prosecution said that these attackers beat the four traditional leaders to death and then set fire to their corpses. The victims were Chief Edward N. Kobani, who had resigned as MOSOP Vice-President in 1993, Albert T. Badey, Chief Samuel N. Orage and Chief Theophilus B. Orage.

The next day, Lieutenant-Colonel Dauda Komo announced at a press conference that MOSOP was to blame, and accused Ken Saro-Wiwa of inciting his supporters to kill his opponents.83 Ken Saro-Wiwa was subsequently arrested without charge the next day. The security forces later arrested a further 14 men, including a commissioner (minister) in the Rivers State government, Dr Barinem Kiobel. Dr Kiobel was also from Ogoniland, but was not a member of MOSOP (see below for details). Despite the fact that the government publicly levelled allegations against the men, the police did not formally charge them for next eight months. All the defendants said they were innocent.84

The ISTF was given responsibility for investigating the murders, as well as for the detention and interrogation of the defendants, and the security of the trial.85 Its commander, Major Okuntimo, was promoted to Lieutenant-Colonel.86

Following the murders, the ISTF launched raids on Ogoni villages.87 These raids, and accompanying human rights violations, were widely reported on at the time in Nigerian newspapers.88 National human rights groups, as well as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch published investigations.89 In operations that appeared to be carried out as collective punishment for real or assumed association with MOSOP, the armed forces carried out near nightly raids on Ogoni villages, killing some, and arresting others who were later subjected to torture or other ill-treatment. Troops carried out many extrajudicial executions.90 According to an Amnesty International report released on 27 June 1994, some 30 villages had been attacked in the space of approximately one month, and during this time “more than 50 members of the Ogoni ethnic group are reported to have been extra-judicially executed and over 180 others wounded during attacks by the security forces on Ogoni villages.”91

Nigeria’s Civil Liberties Organisation (CLO) sent human rights researchers to Ogoniland, and on 2 August 1994 called for an international inquiry into the “ongoing brutalisation of the Ogonis.”92 According to the CLO:

“Our investigations show that over 43 villages have been invaded by Okuntimo’s men
since May. Today in the forests of Ogoni is a fast-growing population of refugees fleeing from the invaders. Many of them have had their homes completely destroyed. Others have simply abandoned their homes for fear that the soldiers may return….Ogoni is indeed in a state of war. Witness homes razed by fire, others whittled down to bamboo and raffia skeletons by bullets and grenades, wall crushed in, blood splattered walls etc.”93

The CLO published a list of Ogoni people, most of whom said they had fled the destruction of their homes or businesses by the military between May and July 1994. The CLO named 192 people, who said that between them they had 921 children.94

In February/March 1995, through interviews with victims of attacks on Nwe-ol, Uegwere/Bo-ue, Bori, Bera, Barako, Bane, Biara, and Bomu, Human Rights Watch also established that the ISTF’s raids generally involved the indiscriminate use of armed force and followed a consistent pattern:

“Troops entered towns and villages shooting at random, as villagers fled to the surrounding bush. Soldiers and mobile police stormed houses, breaking down doors and windows with their boots, the butts of their guns, and machetes. Villagers who crossed their path, including children and the elderly, were severely beaten, forced to pay ‘settlement fees’, and sometimes shot. Many women were raped. Security forces randomly arrested and detained several hundred Ogonis, primarily young men, while a number of other prominent MOSOP activists were declared wanted by Rivers State Police Commissioner Bukar Ali. Before leaving, troops looted money, food, livestock, and other property.”95

In response to Human Rights Watch’s inquiries about allegations of widespread human rights abuses in Ogoniland, Lieutenant-Colonel Paul Okuntimo acknowledged that “there may have been a few small problems” during the “first few weeks.” His troops were searching for the killers, he said, and the “process of separating the chaff from the wheat” was not an easy one. He labelled the rest of the allegations “propaganda.”96

Human Rights Watch spoke to two soldiers involved in the violence (different men from those referred to earlier). One soldier stated that:

“We were told that any mature man in the Ogoni areas was a suspect. We needed to find as many as possible for interrogation. The idea was to go into villages, shooting in the air, and then when people ran, to grab some as prisoners. The orders were to shoot on sight able-bodied men, if they ran. The Ogonis, they lost many people.”97

The other soldier also reported being told to shoot at will. He also said many villagers were wounded in the gunfire, but the military made no effort to care for them. The testimonies of the two soldiers were consistent with accounts of local church workers, who told Human Rights Watch that soldiers had warned them against entering Ogoniland in the days following the murders of the four Ogoni chiefs because they had been given orders to shoot local villagers. They are also consistent with information gathered by Amnesty International at the time.

Despite Paul Okuntimo’s claims of propaganda, his public statements appear to confirm serious human rights violations. Speaking after May 1994, he addressed a press conference, which was broadcast by national TV:

“The first three days, the first three days of the operation, I operated in the night. Nobody knew where I was coming from. What I will just do is that I will just take some detachments of soldiers, they will just stay at four corners of the town. They…have automatic rifle[s] that sound death. If you hear the sound you will freeze. And then I will equally now choose about twenty [soldiers] and give them…grenades – explosives – very hard one[s]. So we shall surround the town at night…The machine gun with five hundred rounds will open up. When four or five like that open up and then we are throwing grenades and they are making ‘eekpuwaa!’ what do you think the…and they know I am around, what do you think the people are going to do? And we have already put roadblock[s] on the main road, we don’t want anybody to start running…so the option we made was that we should drive all these boys, all these people into the bush with nothing except the pant[s] and the wrapper they are using that night.”98

In June 1994, Paul Okuntimo publicly claimed that the army had taught him 204 ways of killing people. He claimed at a news conference that he had practised only three and that he would welcome the opportunity to exercise the rest of his repertoire.99 It is not known how many people died during the raids, which lasted until August 1994, when the military claimed to have successfully “restored peace” to Ogoniland.100 In July, the Dutch ambassador told Shell Nigeria’s then chairperson Brian Anderson that the army had killed some 800 Ogonis.101

Footnotes

82. Michael Birnbaum QC, A Travesty of Law and Justice, p. 2.
83. Footage of press conference on file with Amnesty International.
84. Amnesty International, Nigeria: The Ogoni Trials and Detentions (Index: AFR 44/020/1995).
85. Amnesty International, Nigeria: The Ogoni Trials and Detentions (Index: AFR 44/020/1995), p. 9.
86. Amnesty International meeting with Paul Okuntimo, 11 December 1994.
87. Amnesty International, Nigeria: Military Clampdown on the Opposition (Index: AFR 44/013/1994).
88. Uche Maduemesi, This is Conquest, TELL, 18 July 1994; The Guardian (Nigeria), Terror in Ogoniland, 25 July, 1994; Claude Ake, Nightmare of State
Violence, TELL, 25 July 1994; Tomson Ajayeoba, The Killing Field, TELL, 25 July 1995; Ibiba Don Pedro, Inside Ogoniland, The African Guardian, 8
August 1994; Sam Olukoya, The Ogoni Agony, Newswatch, 26 September 1994.
89. E.g. Amnesty International, Urgent Action, 27 June 1994 (Index: AFR 44/06/94); Civil Liberties Organisation, No Roof Over Their Heads, Liberty,
May-August, 1994; Human Rights Watch, Nigeria: A Case Study of Military Repression in Southeastern Nigeria
90. Human Rights Watch, Nigeria: A Case Study of Military Repression in Southeastern Nigeria.
91. Amnesty International, Urgent Action, 27 June 1994 (Index: AFR 44/06/94).
92. Edetaen Ojo, CLO seeks international inquiry on Ogoni massacre, The Guardian (Nigeria, 2 August 1994.
93. Okko Sylvester Olumhense and Oronto Douglas, Ogoni: Agony of a Nation, Liberty, May-August, 1994, p16.
94. The CLO gathered the names and dates of birth of each individual. Three were aged 12-17, the rest were adults. The list does not specify whether the
adults’ children, who numbered 921 were accompanying them or not. Civil Liberties Organisation, No Roof Over Their Heads, Liberty, May-August,
1994, p17-22.
95. Human Rights Watch, Nigeria: A Case Study of Military Repression in Southeastern Nigeria.
96. Human Rights Watch, Nigeria: A Case Study of Military Repression in Southeastern Nigeria.
97. Human Rights Watch, Nigeria: A Case Study of Military Repression in Southeastern Nigeria.
98. Human Rights Watch, Nigeria: A Case Study of Military Repression in Southeastern Nigeria.
99. Claude Are, War and Terror, The News, 22 August 1994, cited in Human Rights Watch, Nigeria: A Case Study of Military Repression in Southeastern Nigeria.
100. Stepp Offi, What Manner of Peace?, TELL, 22 August 1994; Human Rights Watch, Nigeria: A Case Study of Military Repression in Southeastern
Nigeria, p. 15.
101. Brian Anderson, Nigeria Update, 26 July 1994 (Exhibit 48. A000001-6).

royaldutchshellplc.com and its sister websites royaldutchshellgroup.com, shellnews.net and cybergriping.com are all owned by John Donovan
HISTORICAL OVERVIEW: ARREST OF MOSOP LEADERS, MORE VIOLENCE IN OGONILAND was first posted on June 23, 2018 at 5:21 pm.
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NAM Earthquakes: Anger of Groningen Population with Minister Eric Wiebes http://royaldutchshellplc.com/2018/06/08/nam-earthquakes-anger-of-groningen-population-with-minister-eric-wiebes/ Fri, 08 Jun 2018 07:50:38 +0000 http://royaldutchshellplc.com/?p=97061 NAM Earthquakes: Anger of Groningen Population with Minister Eric Wiebes was first posted on June 8, 2018 at 8:50 am.
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Printed below is an English translation of an article published today by the Dutch Financial Times, Financieele DagbladRoyal Dutch Shell and ExxonMobil each own a 50% share in NAM, the company responsible for the earthquake blighted Groningen Gas Field and consequential potential bill for untold billions in damages to effected residences.

The Minister wants, as he explained once more, to avoid the risk of unnecessary housing being demolished by the reduction of gas production. By carefully examining the new situation first, it must be prevented that ‘an entire province is unnecessarily demolished…’

Minister Wiebes wants to make up again with the Groningers

Louis Hoeks • Economics & Politics

There were no apologies, but on Thursday Thursday Eric Wiebes was expressly looking for an understanding of the House of Representatives and the Groningers, many of whom occupied the public gallery. Originally, the debate was about the historic cabinet decision to close the Groningen gas tap in 2030.

Instead of praise for the March decision, the high-spirited quarrel in which the Minister of Economic Affairs and Climate had ended last week dominated. Not only the Groningen population is angry, but also a large number of regional administrators, such as former PvdA politician Hans Alders who stepped up as National Coordinator Groningen last week.

Maladministration

They blame the VVD minister that he unilaterally canceled the agreements with the region by temporarily suspending the reinforcement of 1588 dwellings in the earthquake zone. Where the coalition parties praise the Wiebes Chamber, the Groningen anger exceeds the party boundaries. CDA mayor Albert Rodenboog of Loppersum spoke of ‘improper management.’

‘We just have to conclude that we have been untruthfully ugly about the complexity’, Wiebes acknowledged. But he did not think it was wrong that he let the fortification be postponed. Since it has been known that gas extraction from the Groningen field is being phased out, a unique situation has arisen and existing agreements can be changed, he argued.

Slow pace

‘If once in the 55 years gas production stops, I interrupt the procedure.’ However, he hopes to restore the relationship with ‘my friends in Groningen’. Wiebes praised their autonomy. “They have to keep the scope to say: the Empire is crazy.”

The Minister wants, as he explained once more, to avoid the risk of unnecessary housing being demolished by the reduction of gas production. He outlined the slow pace of the reinforcement operation. The ambition was 22,000

Landlord levy

By carefully examining the new situation first, it must be prevented that ‘an entire province is unnecessarily demolished,’ according to Wiebes. Soon after 1 July there must be clarity about this. Henk Nijboer (PvdA) said he feared that there would only be a new standard and that it would take a long time for the Groningen people to have certainty.

To curb the discontent, the minister told a series of extra measures to consider for the residents of the 1588 houses, on top of the security interventions. The approximately 1,100 homes owned by corporations may receive a discount on the landlord’s levy that they pay annually. In addition, part of the € 950 million that the government wants to give to the regions can be used and Wiebes is considering doubling contributions from the corporations and the province.

Refurbishment of the province

There was grumbling about the position of the Dutch Petroleum Company (NAM), which is getting the gas off the ground in Groningen. The opposition wondered whether NAM really no longer interferes with the system of strengthening, as Wiebes claims. The risk model developed by NAM is still being used, but it no longer influences the redevelopment of the province, the minister swore.

The opposition found at the end of the problem that the debate had yielded little and found that the minister was too easy of it. “Where Wiebes is, is chaos and afterwards it is the fault of everyone except Wiebes,” said Sandra Beckerman (SP). Lammert van Raan (PvdD) said it more elegantly. ‘We have gone into the house of the minister’s logic. We have not understood or seen it in his eyes. It will soon be clear whether the Minister’s house should not be strengthened. ‘

Box text

‘We simply have to conclude that we have been untruthfully ugly about the complexity’. • Minister Eric Wiebes of Economic Affairs and Climate

‘Where Wiebes is, chaos and afterwards it is the fault of everyone except Wiebes’. • Sandra Beckerman (SP)

‘We have gone into the house of the minister’s logic. We have not understood or seen it in his eyes’ • Lammert van Raan (PvdD)

DUTCH SOURCE ARTICLE

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NAM Earthquakes: Anger of Groningen Population with Minister Eric Wiebes was first posted on June 8, 2018 at 8:50 am.
©2018 "Royal Dutch Shell Plc .com". Use of this feed is for personal non-commercial use only. If you are not reading this article in your feed reader, then the site is guilty of copyright infringement. Please contact me at john@shellnews.net
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