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Warning issued by Garda watchdog over Corrib tapes

The Irish Times – Monday, October 31, 2011

LORNA SIGGINS, Western Correspondent

THE IRISH Federation of University Teachers has expressed serious concern about a warning of possible prosecution issued to an academic at NUI Maynooth by the Garda Síochána Ombudsman Commission.

The warning relates to alleged “obstruction” of the Garda Ombudsman’s continuing inquiry into taped comments made by gardaí after a Corrib gas protest on March 31st last.

The federation’s general secretary Mike Jennings says that the Garda Ombudsman’s approach “illustrates the lack of protection for both bona fide researchers and journalists” in protecting sources.

It also “runs against any principle of open inquiry and transparency in a democratic society”, Mr Jennings said.

The warning was issued verbally by the Garda Ombudsman to NUIM lecturer Dr Bríd Connolly, following a decision by her to supervise deletion of material from a video camera which was sought by Garda Ombudsman officers investigating the Corrib tape incident. The academics at the centre of the case say the material was unrelated to the inquiry.

The video camera was university property, and had been on loan to postgraduate student Jerrie Ann Sullivan, who was one of two women arrested by gardaí at Glengad on March 31st last.

The video camera was confiscated by gardaí travelling in a separate car to that transporting the two women to Belmullet Garda station. They discovered taped material after the camcorder was returned to them on their release.

An interim Garda Ombudsman report into the incident, published on July 28th by Minister for Justice Alan Shatter, said that the investigations’ transcript from the camcorder upholds the allegations the camera, still switched on, recorded gardaí joking about raping the women if they refused to give their name and address.

It also recorded them talking of “deporting” one of the women who was believed to be an American citizen, “enlisting the support of the Garda National Immigration Bureau to harass them and [making] other comments of an inappropriate nature”, the report said.

The interim report found no evidence of a criminal offence having been committed by any of the five gardaí subsequently interviewed, and no evidence of any breach of discipline by three of the gardaí.

It said that disciplinary issues “may arise in the case of two Garda members”, who were confined to desk duties after the investigation was initiated on April 5th last as a matter of public interest.

NUIM sociology lecturer Dr Laurence Cox, one of four university staff interviewed by the Garda Ombudsman, said that he was concerned about the situation where those who were victims in this case were now being “treated as perpetrators”.

Postgraduate student Ms Sullivan had been questioned for 4½ hours, he noted. Dr Connolly, who could not comment yesterday, was interviewed under caution.

Deletion of unrelated material only came about after two separate offers were made by the university to the Garda Ombudsman to agree on deletion by a neutral third party, Dr Cox said.

Ms Sullivan and her supervisors had a duty to abide by the university’s own research ethics principles and the ethical code of the Sociological Association of Ireland, he pointed out.

The Garda Ombudsman said it would not comment beyond confirming that the investigation was ongoing, and it was moving “as speedily as we can to a conclusion”.

NUI Maynooth referred yesterday to its statement of July 29th last when it acknowledged that deletion of college research material was “inadvisable”, but the “individuals concerned” were “acting out of concern” for student welfare, confidentiality of a research record, and a “genuine belief that the particular material deleted was not relevant to the inquiry”.

SOURCE ARTICLE

‘The Pipe’ Norwegian premiere

The project is currently 10 years behind schedule, projected costs have risen from $800 million to $2.5billion, Statoil has had to sell off its retail outlets in Ireland because of the damage to its reputation and internationally the reputation of Statoil has suffered due to its partnership in the Corrib field.

CORRIB GAS PROJECT

The award winning documentary film about the controversial Corrib Gas pipeline – ‘The Pipe’ – will have its Norwegian premiere this Monday in Oslo at the Cinemateket presented by the Neptune Network:
http://www.neptunenetwork.org/.

Attendees will include people from industry, politics, media and academia, who will participate in a post screening discussion with director of the film Risteard Ó Domhnaill and County Mayo fisherman Patrick O’Donnell

(see photo right, courtesy of John Monaghan).

http://www.neptunenetwork.org/profiles/blogs/cinemateket-statoils-overgrep-mot-irsk-befolkning-vises-frem-i-pr

http://www.facebook.com/pages/The-Pipe-The-Film/270493470810

Staoil has a 36,5 per cent interest in the Corrib gas field north-west of Ireland. The Corrib field development is operated by Shell and has been marred by controversy since 5 local landowners were jailed in 2005 for 94 days for opposing the laying of an onshore high pressure raw gas pipeline through their land to the proposed refinery 9km inland.

The project is currently 10 years behind schedule, projected costs have risen from $800 million to $2.5billion, Statoil has had to sell off its retail outlets in Ireland because of the damage to its reputation and internationally the reputation of Statoil has suffered due to its partnership in the Corrib field.

http://www.statoil.com/en/About/Worldwide/Ireland/Pages/default.aspx

The Pipe – Synopsis

In a remote corner of the West of Ireland sits Broadhaven Bay. It is the perfect picture postcard, where the high cliffs of Erris Head and the Stags of Broadhaven stand sentry at the mouth of the bay against the mighty Atlantic, as if protecting the delicate golden sands of Glengad beach and the tiny village of Rossport, which nestles behind the dunes. However, this peaceful tranquility belies the turmoil that lies beneath, and the unique nature of the coastline which has sustained generations of farmers and fishermen, has also delivered to Shell and Statoil the perfect landfall for the Corrib Gas Pipeline.

In the most dramatic clash of cultures in modern Ireland, the rights of farmers over their fields, and of fishermen to their fishing grounds, has come in direct conflict with one of the worlds most powerful oil companies. When the citizens look to their state to protect their rights, they find that the state has put Shell and Statoil’s right to lay a pipeline over their own.

The Pipe is a story of a community tragically divided, and how they deal with a pipe that could bring economic prosperity or destruction of a way of life shared for generations.

press images:

www.thepipethefilm.com/press/

username: press
Password:  pipe1

Trailer and links:

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yMSLuxuf_iE

www.cbc.ca/video/#/News/Featured_Videos/ID=1590885523

www.thepipethefilm.com

www.facebook.com/pages/The-Pipe-The-Film

www.thepipethefilm.com/main-sect/review-in-variety-magazine/

Looking to strike it rich for oil in offshore Ireland

After the Government granted 12 firms permission to look for oil and gas around Ireland this week, Peter Flanagan and Donal O’Donovan ask if the next big oil field is really on our doorstep

Thursday October 20 2011

IRELAND has watched for years as neighbours in the UK and Norway reaped the benefits of staggering oil strikes in the North Sea.

This week, efforts to emulate that success here stepped up a gear when the Government granted licences to 12 companies from four countries to search for hydrocarbons off the west coast.

Five of the winning companies — Ireland‘s Providence Resources and San Leon Energy, and the UK’s Chrysaor, Serica Energy and Sosina Exploration — already have a presence in Ireland; while the other seven licence winners — Canadian firm Antrim Energy, Bluestack Energy and Petrel Resources from Ireland, the UK’s Europa Oil & Gas, Two Seas Oil & Gas and First Oil Expro, as well as Spanish firm Repsol Exploration — are new to Irish waters, although another arm of Repsol recently announced it was entering into another licence off Ireland with Providence.

In all, 13 new licences were granted as companies search far and wide for new reserves.

Oil prices

High oil prices look to be here to stay as the fear that we may be reaching “peak oil” seems to get worse every year.

Russia has already staked its claim to the Arctic’s natural resources, while the mantra of “drill baby, drill” — usually in the Alaskan wilderness, a protected nature reserve — has been taken up by right-wing politicians in the United States as a solution to the country’s dependence on “foreign oil”.

Given this sort of geopolitical climate, it is no surprise there was a record number of applications for licences to explore off Ireland this year.

If the exploration works, and it is commercially viable to produce oil off Ireland, the rewards could be enormous. But how viable is Ireland as a centre for oil production, and how will the country benefit if private companies are going to take most of the profits?

The history of exploration around Ireland is a chequered one, to say the least. In nearly half a century, almost 200 wells have been drilled around Ireland but only one field — Kinsale — has been a commercial success while Corrib’s problems have been well documented.

In truth, a variety of factors have played against sustained development around the island. Most of the areas of interest for explorers — and the focus of the licences issued this week — are about 200km off the west coast in what is known as the “Atlantic Margin”.

Phillips Petroleum struck oil there as long ago as 1978 but the low oil price for most of the ’80s and ’90s, as well as logistical difficulties — the nearest hub for exploration is Aberdeen — have counted against developing the area. Many of those negative factors have now been overcome, however.

Energy Minister Pat Rabbitte said there could be up to 50 billion barrels of oil equivalent (BOE) around Ireland, but while one report estimated there were 10 billion BOEPD “yet to be found”, we really have no idea how much oil there is and, until exploring is done, we won’t know.

Most of the Atlantic Margin play involves drilling in deep water — up to 2,000 metres — in the middle of the Atlantic. These are not hospitable conditions at the best of times and present unique, and costly, challenges to drilling.

Market sources estimate the cost of exploring a single licence could run to $175m (€126m), with no guarantee oil will be found. When oil was between $7 and $10 in the early ’80s, it was simply not worthwhile to pursue it.

Viable drilling

With an oil price of close to $100 now the norm, however, drilling has become economically viable. As well as that, North Sea oil appears to have peaked and instability in the Middle East makes a country with a stable political environment like Ireland more attractive for prospecting.

“[The record number of applications for licences this year] probably reflects in part the flexible nature of the options but also the worldwide trawl that is under way by the industry for new oil and gas basins that can be developed,” says Davy Stockbrokers‘ Job Langbroek.

The other big change has come in technology. Advances in surveying equipment allow prospectors to estimate underwater reserves with much greater accuracy than before, and at lower cost.

These changes have attracted the likes of Providence Resources, which is the biggest player in the offshore Ireland space. As well as out and out prospecting, the company is going back over old discoveries and prospects, with new technology and modern geological techniques.

Apart from the economic and technology developments, the confidence in Ireland as an oil producer also comes from good results elsewhere in the Atlantic.

In the south, Tullow Oil has struck black gold with the massive Jubilee Oil Field off the west coast of Africa, and only last month the Irish-led company announced it had discovered oil off the coast of French Guiana on the east coast of South America.

That discovery helped re-inforce the “Atlantic Mirror” theory, which suggests large reserves of hydrocarbons are available on both sides of the Atlantic.

Reserves

In the North Atlantic, the Labrador Coast off Canada has huge proven oil fields. Therefore, the Mirror theory suggests, there should be large reserves on the eastern side of the ocean — right where Ireland is.

Another attraction of the Atlantic Margin is the quality of oil available. The international standard is Brent Crude.

When reporters say oil rose to, say, $105 a barrel yesterday, they are referring to the price of pure Brent. If a field produces oil with a lot of impurities, such as waxiness or high sulphur content, then the producer will get less for it.

Atlantic Margin oil, in particular that from the massive Porcupine basin — an area about three times the size of Ireland — is believed to be very close to Brent, with an especially low sulphur content making it very attractive to prospectors.

If that is the case, however, why weren’t the “supermajors”, as the biggest oil companies in the world are known, involved in this year’s round of Atlantic licences?

The lack of applications from an Exxon or a Chevron-Texaco has been taken in some quarters as evidence of a lack of credibility in Ireland as a drilling site, but the well documented problems at Corrib may well have made high-profile companies think twice before moving into Ireland, says Mr Langbroek.

In any case, Repsol is a top-tier firm with interests around the world. Exxon, while not involved in this round, bought into Providence’s Dunquin Prospect off the Kerry coast in 2006 and drilling will take place there by 2013 at the latest. Mr Langbroek believed the licensing round was “a solid success and compares very well with previous rounds”.

“It is quite usual in the industry for smaller companies to act as pathfinders and idea generators for the larger companies. If these companies can generate targets, the larger companies will ultimately follow,” he added.

If explorers do start producing large quantities of oil here over the next few years, how would Ireland benefit?

There have been calls from Socialist TD Joe Higgins and others for the Government to create a national exploration company so we can keep the profits from natural resources ourselves, but could the Government afford to put up to $175m (€126m) into a hole in the ground? Mr Rabbitte is adamant it can’t.

“We don’t have the investment capacity to do it ourselves but the tax-take is very significant,” he said when he made this week’s announcement.

Ireland’s tax regime for oil exploration is far more favourable to companies, compared with our closest neighbours. The lower tax has been controversial over the years but the Government insists it reflects the realities for the industry here.

Tax rates

If firms do succeed in getting oil ashore, they will pay a standard 25pc tax, with a maximum 40pc tax rate on the most profitable wells, a rate set in 2007. The rules are being reviewed by an all-party Oireachtas Committee.

In any case, it will be some time before companies, and Ireland, start to reap the benefits from the licences granted on Monday. Tullow struck oil off Africa in 2007 in conditions similar to here. From that point, it took four years before the field was producing oil commercially.

Monday’s announcement was the latest significant move in a calculated gamble that has been decades in the making. The next moves will happen far from the eyes of the public, in the boardrooms of The City and Wall Street as the winners raise capital to finance exploration, and in the murky and bitterly cold waters of the North Atlantic.

It will be some time before Ireland can report a staggering oil strike to match its near neighbours.

FULL ARTICLE

Natural resources – they haven’t gone away you know

Friday, 07 October 2011

Liamy MacNally

The days are getting shorter and the lawyers are tripping over themselves in the noontime darkness.  Their cathedral minds are busy.  The Four Courts silver spoon still shines with looming cases.  The law does not always bring justice, even if the ladder of law has no top or no bottom!

A High Court judicial review of permissions granted for ongoing work on the Corrib Gas project is due to be heard on October 11.  The judicial review was sought by An Taisce and some local residents into permissions granted by An Bord Pleanála and the then acting Minister for Communications, Energy & Natural Resources, Pat Carey, for the pipeline and the Plan of Development.  The outcome could have serious implications for the Corrib project.

Another case in the High Court on November 3 could also have serious implications for Shell.  The trans-national company is included in defamation proceedings brought by a north Mayo company.  The company is also taking proceedings against two companies employed by Shell over loss of earnings and breach of contract.

More legalese: “Strong rumours here in Erris, Co Mayo (beside Corrib gas development) that the project will grind to a halt following an up-and-coming court case involving a local contractor, Shell and the local police force (Garda).”

The royaldutchshellplc.com website had this on its home page last Friday.  This website, subtitled, ‘News and information on Royal Dutch Shell Plc’ has nothing whatever to do with the said company.  A disclaimer states: “This is not a Shell website nor is it officially endorsed by or affiliated with Shell in any way.”  The site was founded by 94 year-old Alfred Donovan, the former Chairman of the Shell Corporate Conscience Pressure Group.  He is assisted by, among others, his son, John, who has been involved in the gasoline retailing industry for over 40 years.  John is best known for his long association with the Royal Dutch Shell Group, firstly for devising marketing campaigns on an international basis and more recently as a long-term Shell shareholder and critic of Shell senior management.  The site is a mine of information on Shell’s activities worldwide.

Less than a year ago, Éamon Gilmore promised an immediate review of oil and gas licensing terms if elected to Government.  Speaking in June 2011 Minister Pat Rabbitte stated: “To successfully attract a greater share of mobile international exploration investment to Ireland, we need a number of basic requirements.  Firstly, we must maintain a realistic tax regime that reflects our relative attractiveness as a place to invest in petroleum exploration.

Secondly, we need an approach to licensing that is designed to attract new companies to Ireland and to encourage those companies already here to increase their activity levels.  The 2011 Atlantic Margin Licensing Round, which closed yesterday, is an initiative designed to achieve this.  While it is very early days in terms of evaluating the applications received under the Round, I welcome the fact that a total of 15 applications have been received.

This is the largest number of applications ever received in a single licensing round in Ireland… The third and final requirement I would point to is a regulatory framework that is appropriate in terms of its transparency and effectiveness.”  Ouch!

For all their faults the Green Party Minister, Éamon Ryan, introduced changes to the licensing regime in 2007, stating: “The new licensing terms include a profit resource rent tax.  This new tax will be in addition to the 25% corporate tax rate currently employed.  It will operate on a graded basis of profitability… On our most profitable fields, therefore, the return to the State will increase from 25% to 40%.”  Put simply, the more profit a company makes the more tax it pays, (after all the tax write-offs.)

A Government publication last year claimed, “Ireland’s Atlantic basins hold the potential for major oil and gas discoveries in water depths ranging from 150 to over 2,500 metres.”  Using ten field development scenarios the report claimed, “the positive investment metrics included in the report are based on an engineering study and conservative economic assumptions.  As such they provide a thought-provoking insight into the attractive nature of oil and gas plays in the Irish Atlantic Basins.”  The ten field development scenarios would yield 6,375 bcf gas and 1,650 million barrels of oil.

The country is bust yet there is little recognition of its natural resources assets. Where are last year’s opposition voices?  Former politicians (none of whom is facing charges in court) reap huge pensions while cutbacks affect workers and non-workers.  More and more, life in Ireland is demanding a moral response from Government.  Maybe Government is really about the survival of the richest…

SOURCE ARTICLE

Corrib gas objectors denied entry to hearing

Corrib gas objectors denied entry to Oireachtas hearing

The Irish Times – Wednesday, September 28, 2011

PAUL CULLEN

SECURITY STAFF at the Houses of the Oireachtas yesterday refused entry to a group of opponents of the Corrib gas terminal who had travelled from Co Mayo to attend an Oireachtas committee.

The group of 15 Shell to Sea supporters travelled to Dublin at the invitation of Fianna Fáil deputy leader Éamon Ó Cuív to attend a hearing of the Oireachtas Committee on Communications, Natural Resources and Agriculture about offshore exploration licences.

An Oireachtas spokeswoman said the group was turned away on foot of a long-standing rule that forbids access to anyone demonstrating outside the gates of Leinster House on a particular day.

However, while campaigners against the gas terminal mounted a small protest outside Leinster House, members of the group said they had not participated in this picket.

Spokeswoman Maura Harrington said the group met Mr Ó Cuív in a hotel across the road and then walked over to Leinster House, where they learned they would not be admitted. “We came 200 miles in good faith but once again, our good faith has been thrown back at us.”

At the committee, officials of the Department of Energy and Natural Resources defended the licensing regime.

Principal officer Ciarán Ó hObain acknowledged that companies that make discoveries tended to do well under the Irish regime. But he said the chances of making a find were low, so overall it was a relatively high-risk investment for the companies involved.

Out of 132 wells drilled in Irish waters, only four have resulted in a commercial discovery. The cost of drilling a well ranges from $30 million (€22 million) to $120 million depending on location.

Petroleum specialist Noel Murphy said there was a huge lack of data about deep water areas. Ireland would need to be drilling five wells a year in order to have a good chance of finding oil. At the moment, an average of only one well a year is being drilled.

Successive reviews of the tax regime for offshore discoveries have seen corporation tax rates halved and royalties abolished. Tax is payable on profits after exploration costs have been written off.

Mr Ó hObain said it was wrong to compare Ireland with major producers like Norway, where the tax take is 78 per cent. No new commercial discoveries have been made in Irish waters since 2007.

SOURCE ARTICLE

Corrib Gas Project may grind to a halt? (update)

Update from our sources…

“Strong rumours here in Erris, Co Mayo (beside Corrib gas development) that the project will grind to a halt following an up-and-coming court case involving a local contractor, Shell and the local police force (Garda). The word is that the CEO and others are heading for the exit over this matter.”

Added 4 October 2011:

A small local company was asked by Shell to carry out favours for interested parties. *Court case seems to be about local company not getting paid. Seemingly the details in the legal papers are dynamite for Shell and some locals and could indeed halt the project. Not quite sure what the Gardai (local police) involvement is but they seem to be implicated in some way.

WARNING: These are rumors…

Attention Royal Dutch Shell Plc: If you confirm by email that any information printed under this headline is categorically untrue, it will be removed immediately.

*(We are trying to obtain the relevant legal papers)

Corrib Gas Project may grind to a halt?

We hear from our sources…

“Strong rumours here in Erris, Co Mayo (beside Corrib gas development) that the project will grind to a halt following an up-and-coming court case involving a local contractor, Shell and the local police force (Garda). The word is that the CEO and others are heading for the exit over this matter.”

WARNING: These are rumors…

Attention Royal Dutch Shell Plc: If you confirm by email that any information printed under this headline is categorically untrue, it will be removed immediately.

Shell espionage firm opens spy nest in New York

Activists campaigning against Shell’s plans to drill in the Arctic Ocean may be concerned at this development.

18 September 2011

By John Donovan

Hakluyt, the London corporate intelligence firm, which has been closely associated with Royal Dutch Shell, has recently opened a bureau in New York.

Titled Shell directors have been major shareholders in Haklut & Company Limited and were at one time the ultimate spymasters heading the company and an associated oversight foundation.

Ian Forbes McCredie OBE, the former/current MI6 senior official, who until December 2010 headed up Shell Corporate Security, has recently returned to the Hakluyt/MI6 spy nest.

Shell has used Hakluyt to carry out sinister undercover operations against its perceived enemies, including Greenpeace and Body Shop.

A Hakluyt operative, a serving German secret service agent working on a freelance basis, also carried out an elaborate operation in Nigeria directed against friends of Ken Saro-Wiwa, the activist leader hanged by the corrupt Nigerian regime armed by Shell.

SHELL CONNECTION WITH HAKLUYT & COMPANY LIMITED – THE EVIDENCE

Activists campaigning against Shell’s plans to drill in the Arctic Ocean may be concerned at this development. Shell has used a private security firm to intimidate activists campaigning against the Corrib Gas Project in Ireland.

Shell has a track record of being involved in corporate espionage in the USA.

On 12 September 2001, under the headline: No Secret’s Safe From These Sharp Eyes, The New York Times published an article focused on corporate “cloak-and-dagger escapades”. Mr Stephen J. Wade, an executive of Shell International Exploration and Production, a Royal Dutch/Shell Group business, was revealed as being a “competitive intelligence analyst — management-speak for corporate America’s equivalent of a spy”. The report said that Mr. Wade “uses every trick in the book” and “may even dish out erroneous information…” Mr Wade was quoted as commenting: It isn’t James Bond. The article went on to say: “Still, like any good spy, Mr. Wade declined to give detailed examples of information gleaned this way”. It also pointed out that corporate spying “sometimes skirts ethical bounds”.

In October 2010, we broke the story: U.S. Dept. of Defense Confirms NCIS Espionage Investigation of Shell.”

We have also reported that Shell has infiltrated agents into host governments and for good measure is also spying globally on its own employees.

Protecting Irelands oil and gas reserves

Monday, September 5, 2011

Sir, – As a former ambassador to Denmark and Norway (1998-2001) I would like to endorse your call for judicious and far-sighted harvesting of this country’s oil and gas reserves (Editorial, August 29th).

Oil wealth can often prove to be a curse, but the Nordic countries are examples of the positive impact that natural resources can have on small, well-managed, open societies. Both Norway and Denmark benefit from strong parliaments which carefully monitor the actions of government and civil service in dividing up a resource which is the property of the people. Their allocation of exploration and extraction licences is accordingly transparent, well-informed and clearly subordinate to the public good.

I was also ambassador to Indonesia under Suharto (1987-1989) where massive natural resources provided little benefit to ordinary citizens.

If we cannot now replicate the factors that have helped the Nordic countries maximise the social benefit of oil and gas extraction, perhaps we should leave the resources in the ground as a form of national savings-which can only increase in value and strengthen our negotiating hand – to offset the massive borrowings that we are imposing on future generations. – Yours, etc,

JIM SHARKEY,

Clonmany, Co Donegal.

SOURCE

MEP lodges complaint over Corrib protest with Garda ombudsman

As well as an investigation of his complaint, Mr Murphy said a public inquiry should be held into the entire policing operation around the Shell project and the working relationship between Shell’s private security contractors and the Garda.

CONOR LALLY, Crime Correspondent

DUBLIN SOCIALIST Party MEP Paul Murphy has lodged a formal complaint with the Garda Síochána Ombudsman Commission over alleged mistreatment by gardaí policing a protest in Co Mayo.

Mr Murphy claims he was subjected to excessive force by gardaí during the protest over Shell’s Corrib gas project last Thursday.

He said he was left with bruising and was unable to chew properly for a number of days after gardaí used “pressure point” techniques on him when removing him and other protesters.

He has submitted photographs of himself, taken by others, while being removed from a sit-down protest on a roadway. Some of the photos show small bruises, which Mr Murphy said he sustained when being subjected to the techniques.

These tactics are used by the Garda and prison officers to subdue prisoners or people who pose a public order risk. They involve using fingers to apply pressure to certain areas of the body, including behind the ear, aimed at physically subduing a person for a short period to allow their arrest or removal from a public order incident.

Mr Murphy’s complaint is that the force used against him and others was excessive and disproportionate to any risk posed by the protest on the day. He described the actions of some gardaí as “outrageous”.

“Garda brutality has been a persistent feature of the situation in Rossport since the end of 2006, when the area was effectively militarised with hundreds of gardaí coming into the area,” he said.

“At that time, protesters including myself were subjected to serious assaults by the gardaí, including being thrown into ditches, beaten with batons and deliberately punched.”

He said that during the incident last Thursday he was one of a group that sat on a roadway to block gardaí from driving a cherrypicker into a location at Erris near Aughoose. Gardaí were trying to remove a protester who had climbed onto the roof of a Shell lorry at one of the company’s sites.

The works were part of a construction project to lay a pipeline that will carry sludge with gas from the seashore to Shell’s onshore plant for refining into gas.

Mr Murphy, who travelled to Mayo as part of a Socialist Party delegation, claims gardaí were aggressive when they moved in, and made no attempt to use any approach apart from an extreme one.

He says he was picked up by four or five gardaí, had the area behind his ear and his left jaw pressed hard and also suffered blows to his ribs and head, while having his ears twisted with some force.

He was among a group of between 15 and 20 protesters removed from the road by gardaí and put behind Garda lines, though they were not arrested.

Mr Murphy lodged his complaint yesterday afternoon at the offices in Dublin of the Garda ombudsman. He said he had no confidence his complaint would progress in any meaningful fashion, pointing out that of the 111 complaints lodged in relation to the policing of the Shell to Sea protests, 78 were deemed inadmissible by the ombudsman and seven were sent to the DPP.

“Most strikingly, only one file was sent to the Garda Commissioner’s office calling for disciplinary procedures. To date, no disciplinary action has been taken.”

A spokesman for the ombudsman said it did not comment on individual cases.

As well as an investigation of his complaint, Mr Murphy said a public inquiry should be held into the entire policing operation around the Shell project and the working relationship between Shell’s private security contractors and the Garda.

He said the working relationship between the Garda and Shell security guards was too close and went “well beyond” the co-operation between the Garda and private security firms at events such as concerts and sporting fixtures.

SOURCE ARTICLE