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Sensational Guy Colegate/MI6 document found in OPL 245 evidence seized from Shell

Russian President Putin and his Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev 

By John Donovan

An Italian national daily business newspaper has today published an article revealing that it has a copy of a Shell internal document said to allegedly implicate Russian Prime Minster Dmitry Medvedev in large-scale oil deal corruption. Said to be his personal retirement plan. 

The document was hidden within thousands of documents and emails the Milan Public Prosecutor obtained following the seizure (from Shell’s Netherlands HQ?) of paper and electronic documentation relating to Shell’s involvement in the OPL 245 scandal.

OPL 245 is the Nigerian oil field Shell and Eni illegally acquired via former Nigerian oil minister, Dan Etete.

The document was prepared by Shell Global Security official (and current/former MI6 agent) Guy Colegate, under his cover as a Shell senior business advisor reporting to Malcom Brinded.

Colegate set out details of the meeting he had on February 24, 2010 with Ednan Agaev, a former Russian secret service leader believed to be close to Putin. Thus it was a Russian spy talking to a British spy about oil related corruption. At the time, Agaev was Etete’s advisor.

After discussing the OPL 245 deal, Agaev offered Colegate confidential information about a Russian domestic affair. It was a secret plan with which, in his view, then President Medvedev allegedly planned to enrich himself with the support of named Russian oligarchs. 

Colegate obviously put the information into an internal Shell report because he thought it could potentially be used to the benefit of Shell. 

Seems safe to assume that news of the report emanating from such an informed source is likely to cause embarrassment, to say the least, between Shell and the Russian government. 

RELATED RT ARTICLE: Oil major Shell admits dealing with Nigerian money launderer

Printed below is a Google Translation of the relevant Sole 24 Ore article:

Russneft, the carousel of the odds and the suspicions of the spies

Enrichment through relationships with political power has been a decade-old thing for the Russian oligarchs. Just like allegations of corruption against political leaders linked to the oligarchs.

In March, three weeks before being arrested for the second time, anti-corruption dissident and anti-corruption activist Aleksej Navalnyj put on video a 49-minute video that accused former Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev of controlling through a network of mortgages, corporate and real estate worth over one billion dollars.

But the accusations made by a citizen known for his criticisms of Putin-Medvedev, who for 18 years continuously dominated the Moscow political scene, did not disturb the Russian prime minister, who completely ignored them. As a propaganda of a political opponent. However, different is when talking about corruption is an ally of the Kremlin. Especially if this person appears even able to anticipate a specific illegal enrichment plan.

That is what Ednan Agaev, a former Russian secret service leader believed to be close to Putin, has done. Attesting it is an internal report of the Shell Oil multinational, of which Il Sole 24 Ore has copied.

The document was hidden between the thousands of cards and emails the Milan Public Prosecutor obtained following the seizure of paper and electronic documentation relating to Shell’s involvement in the Opl 245 affair, the Nigerian oil field Shell acquired along with Eni by Abuja’s former oil minister, Dan Etete, with methods the Prosecutor believes illegal.

This is a confidential relationship in which the manager of Shell Nigeria Guy Colegate, a former MI6 official, reports on a meeting he had on February 24, 2010 with Agaev, who at that time was Etete’s advisor. After discussing Opl 245, Agaev has in fact offered confidential information about a Russian domestic affair. It was a secret plan with which, in his view, then President Medvedev would have planned to enrich with the support of two oligarchs, Mikhail Gutseriev, founder of the Russian oil company Russneft, and Vladimir Evtushenkov, the holding system leader.

This is what Colegate reported at his summits: “Medvedev would have asked Gutseriev to allow a company vehicle controlled by Medvedev himself but surreptitiously represented by the System to acquire a majority stake in Russneft, which is happening … According to the source, so the president would be preparing his personal ‘retirement pension’.

The Sun 24 Hour contacted the Russian Embassy in Washington, then the one in Rome and finally the Moscow Government’s press office. However, our comment request did not follow any response to the question, despite repeated and insistent reminders.

One fact is, however: the corporate developments recorded by Russneft following the date of the meeting between Agaev and Colegate document property passages with strong – and inexplicable – gains in line with the scenario painted by the former Russian secret agent. Let’s see them together.

In January 2010 Mikhail Gutseriev had just regained control of “his” Russneft he lost three years earlier because of one of those targeted judicial investigations that were often targeted by the oligarchs who for one reason or another had disturbed to Putin (who at that time was president of the Russian Federation). Local analysts had attributed Gutseriev’s return to a Medvedev decision, which in 2008 had succeeded Putin in the presidency.

In March 2010, the month after the meeting between the former British and Russian secret agent in Nigeria, the holding system announced that it had signed an agreement for the purchase of 49% of Russneft (hence a stake under the majority of which Agaev had talked about). So far, of course there would be nothing unusual about. Agaev would have come to know before that transaction. The price paid by Gutseriev System is absolutely abnormal: less than 100 million dollars. Few notes for an important oil exploration and refining company that in 2007, in the midst of its judicial crisis, Gutseriev had been forced to sell for $ 3 billion (which attributed 49% of his shares to a value of a billion and a half).

That Russneft’s share was much more than it had been paid by Sistema was even more apparent in June 2013 when it was resold. For $ 1.2 billion.

“In just three years, System has achieved an impressive return on investment,” commented Evtushenkov’s managing director. And when a Kommersant journalist asked him what he had been asking him to sell, Evtushenkov’s answer was just as unusual: “It was not a commercial interest. He was rather a human. ” What he meant was not clear to anyone.

Another curious aspect is the fact that buying that 49% was two empty boxes registered in Cyprus linked to double-mandate to Gutseriev himself. The former was Bradinor Holdings Ltd, whose beneficiary, Mikhail Shishkhanov, was the nephew of the founder of Russneft. The second, Cromeld Management Limited, had Felix Dlin, chairman of Russneft’s subsidiary.

In short, it is clear that the founder of the oil company had first sold it at an incredibly low price and then repackaged three years later paying it 11 times as much. Why never?

Agaev had offered an explanation to this apparent absurdity: it had been the price paid by Gutseriev to Medvedev to return to Russia from the London exile and return to the helm of his Russneft.

The Sun 24 Hour contacted Navalnyj for an assessment of the relationship between the current prime minister and the two oligarchs protagonists of this double transactional anomaly. And from his team of researchers we have been told that “there are recognized historical ties.”

Not only did Navalnyj’s investigators, in reconstructing Medvedev’s supposed secretive heritage, have noticed two transactions in which the Sistema group would fund subjects deemed part of the prime minister’s network. The first is a loan of 1.7 billion rubles, equal to about 25 million euros, made by a subsidiary of the group called Onk. In the 2014 budget, this “loan” was irrecoverable and for this reason Onk had covered it with reserves of equivalent value.

Certum is a real estate company owned by a former member of the Board of the Dar Foundation, the Medvedev-based foundation which, according to Navalnyj, is at the center of the façade and mortgage company network that would govern the prime minister’s secret wealth and emerged from the darkness when he bought, along with Dar, a historic building in the center of St. Petersburg, renovated and converted into an extra luxury residential building.

The other transaction involving the Sistema group came to light in February 2015, when Onk filed for Ficonsultingf, a financial related to the usual Dar, for not paying a debt of about $ 15 million a few years before. According to Navalnyj’s researchers, this transaction emerged on the transfer to a different public entity of a stake in Onk’s parent, when there was a need to “make” and settle unhealthy transactions.

In short, there is evidence of “favors”, albeit small, from the Evtushenkov group to the Medvedev network. This is undoubtedly a few picks compared to the over one billion gain realized by the 49% market share of Russneft. And, knowing no one in Russia or elsewhere, has ever found any of a transfer of money from that range from Evtushenkov, or his group, to Dmitry Medvedev.

The fact remains that Ednan Agaev has anticipated transactions and anomalies that then have been verified.


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