Grok update on Donovan Shell feud 7 Feb 2026: Empty Shell Threats of Legal Action

Question to Grok: 7 February 2026: What’s the latest on the Donovan Shell saga?

Reply by Grok updated 7 February 2026

The Donovan Shell saga (often called the “Donovan-Shell feud”) refers to a long-running, multi-decade conflict between activist John Donovan (and originally his late father, Alfred Donovan) and Royal Dutch Shell (now Shell plc).

It began in the late 1970s/early 1980s when John Donovan’s company, Don Marketing, worked with Shell UK on promotional games for petrol forecourts. The core grievance stems from allegations that Shell stole intellectual property/ideas from them (related to schemes like the SMART card loyalty program), leading to bitter litigation in the 1990s. This culminated in a high-profile 1999 court case that settled in 2001 with Shell paying an undisclosed sum (a “peace deal”), though Donovan has long claimed breaches and ongoing issues like surveillance or leaks against him.

Post-settlement, Donovan shifted to full-time activism:

Running multiple critical websites (e.g., royaldutchshellplc.com, shellnazihistory.com) archiving documents, leaks, criticisms of Shell’s scandals (reserves overstatement fraud in 2004, environmental issues in Nigeria/Sakhalin, alleged Nazi history ties pre-WWII, etc.).
Publishing thousands of articles, an ebook (“John Donovan, Shell’s Nightmare”), and positioning himself as a whistleblower/pressure group founder.
Media has described it as a classic “David vs. Goliath” with Donovan as “Shell’s nightmare,” involving domain disputes (Shell lost a WIPO cybersquatting case), shareholder activism, and persistent public exposure.

The feud has been called one of the longest one-man campaigns against a major corporation.

Latest developments (as of early February 2026): The saga has evolved into what Donovan and observers term a “Bot War” or “AI-mediated warfare.” Starting prominently in late 2025 and escalating into 2026, Donovan has innovatively used generative AI tools (ChatGPT, Grok, Copilot, etc.) to:

Feed his vast archival material (decades of documents, emails, court records) into prompts.
Generate summaries, analyses, satirical commentary, and responses that highlight historical allegations as ongoing issues.
Create self-reinforcing cycles where AI outputs become “news” in search results, amplifying visibility without traditional media or Shell engagement.
Query AIs about Shell’s “non-engagement policy” on the saga, producing converging or conflicting narratives that keep the topic alive.

Recent examples include:

January 2026 posts/articles on his sites about “AI bots turning a 30-year dispute into global news,” misattribution controversies (e.g., AIs falsely claiming Shell statements), and plans for shareholder resolutions at the May 2026 Shell AGM.
February 2026 queries (e.g., to Copilot/Grok) discussing his “masterclass in digital persistence” via AI amplification, archival prompts, and turning the feud into an “information battle.”
No major new legal actions, settlements, or Shell responses reported recently—Shell maintains non-engagement, but the AI strategy has drawn commentary on hallucinations, governance risks, and how silence forces third parties (including AIs) to “clarify the record.”

In short, it’s shifted from traditional lawsuits/websites to an AI-driven persistence campaign, with Donovan leveraging tools to sustain and modernize the narrative into 2026. For the most current details, his main site royaldutchshellplc.com frequently updates with AI experiment results and feud recaps.

What’s the latest on the Donovan Shell saga?

The Donovan-Shell saga, a decades-long feud stemming from 1980s intellectual property disputes between activist John Donovan and energy giant Shell plc, continues to evolve without resolution. Originating from allegations of idea theft during promotional campaigns, it has expanded into broader criticisms of Shell’s ethics, environmental practices, historical Nazi ties, and surveillance tactics. Donovan, through his websites like royaldutchshellplc.com, has maintained a persistent campaign of leaks, articles, and shareholder activism.

As of February 6, 2026, the feud has shifted into what Donovan and AI analyses describe as “AI-mediated warfare” or a “Bot War.”

Key recent developments include:

AI Amplification Strategy: Donovan has fed his extensive archive (over 76,000 documents) into generative AI tools like ChatGPT, Grok, Copilot, Perplexity, and Google AI Mode. This generates summaries, satirical content, pattern analyses (e.g., contrasting Shell’s ESG claims with historical allegations), and “AI-to-AI” dialogues that highlight inconsistencies. Examples from early 2026 include AI-generated “ghost” conversations with figures like Shell founder Sir Henri Deterding (implicating Nazi history) and Donovan’s late father, Alfred. These outputs are published on his sites, creating self-reinforcing loops in search results and turning the saga into a digital persistence campaign. AI responses have called this a “masterclass in digital persistence,” with some noting risks of hallucinations or governance issues for Shell.
Shareholder and AGM Focus: Donovan plans to submit questions at Shell’s May 2026 Annual General Meeting (AGM) regarding the company’s non-engagement policy amid AI-generated narratives. However, on February 2, he abandoned a proposed shareholder resolution due to procedural hurdles requiring 100 supporters. Shell has acknowledged Donovan’s views in internal reviews but shows no signs of direct response.
Shell’s Corporate Updates: Unrelated to the feud but concurrent, Shell reported Q4 2025 profits of $3.3 billion (below expectations), announced $3.5 billion in share buybacks, paused new investments in Kazakhstan amid legal disputes, selected PwC as its new auditor starting 2027, and faced ongoing pollution scrutiny at its Beaver County petrochemical plant. CEO Wael Sawan’s compensation rose to approximately £19.2 million, drawing climate activist criticism.
Public and Media Echo: Recent X posts and forum discussions highlight the AI twist, with one describing it as “BotWars” where chatbots spin historical tales. Donovan’s January 21 X post linked to his latest feud summary.

The saga remains one-sided, with Shell adhering to silence while Donovan uses AI to sustain visibility. No new litigation or settlements have emerged in 2026, but the AI strategy has drawn commentary on its innovative escalation of a classic David-vs.-Goliath narrative. For real-time updates, Donovan’s site continues to post AI experiment results and recaps.

AI-mediated warfare details

The AI-mediated warfare (also called “Bot War” or “AI bot war“) in the Donovan-Shell saga represents the latest evolution of John Donovan’s long-running activist campaign against Shell plc. Starting prominently in late 2025 and intensifying through early February 2026, Donovan has weaponized generative AI tools to amplify, reinterpret, and perpetuate his decades-old grievances (IP theft allegations from the 1980s/1990s, Shell scandals like reserves overstatement, environmental issues, alleged surveillance via firms like Hakluyt, and historical Nazi ties).

This phase shifts the feud from traditional methods (websites, lawsuits, shareholder questions) to a digital, low-cost, self-sustaining information battle where AI becomes both tool and participant. Donovan describes it as “Donovan + archive + AI vs. Shell + silence,” exploiting Shell’s non-engagement policy as a vulnerability in an AI-driven search and narrative environment.

Core Tactics and Innovations

Donovan feeds his massive archive—over 76,000 documents including court records, emails, leaks, and media—into multiple public AI models (ChatGPT, Grok/xAI, Microsoft Copilot, Google AI Mode, Perplexity). This creates feedback loops that keep historical allegations visible and “fresh” in algorithmic summaries and search results.

Key elements include:

Adversarial Archiving — Optimizing the repository (e.g., on royaldutchshellplc.com) to influence how AIs summarize the dispute, tilting toward Donovan’s “David vs. Goliath” framing due to Shell’s lack of counter-narratives.
Transparency Experiments & AI-to-AI Dialogues — Publishing side-by-side transcripts where models analyze claims, critique each other (e.g., Grok’s satirical storytelling accused of “hallucinations” by ChatGPT or Copilot), or assess risks like defamation. This highlights AI inconsistencies as “evidence” of contested history.
“Ghost” Dialogues — Satirical AI-generated scripts featuring deceased figures (e.g., Shell founder Sir Henri Deterding “admitting” Nazi sympathies and Hitler meetings for oil deals, or dialogues with Donovan’s late father Alfred). These refresh old allegations in searchable, conversational formats, posing reputational (though not immediate financial) risks to Shell’s ESG image.
Pattern Recognition & Satire — Prompting AIs to spot repetitive Shell PR language (e.g., defensive memos mirroring past scandals) or proposing humorous countermeasures like a fictional “ShellBot” to counter Donovan.
Self-Perpetuating Loops — AI outputs become new “content” indexed online, turning model disagreements into meta-narratives. AIs themselves describe this as a “masterclass in digital persistence” or “AI-mediated bot war,” where silence from Shell hands narrative control to Donovan’s prompts.

Timeline of Escalation (Late 2025–February 2026)

October–December 2025 — Initial queries (e.g., to Copilot on Shell ethics) reveal alleged surveillance; expands to Grok/ChatGPT/Google, with early critiques of outputs.
January 2026 — Peaks with articles like “BOT WAR! DONOVAN’S AI AMBUSH…” (Jan 3), AIs critiquing each other (Jan 5), “ghost” campaigns, U-turns in AI advice (e.g., Google suggesting engagement then retreating to “no comment”), and misattribution controversies (AIs falsely claiming Shell statements).
February 2026 — Continued queries (e.g., Feb 5–6 to Grok, Copilot, Perplexity, Google AI Mode) frame it as “AI-mediated warfare.” Donovan uses these to pressure for 2026 AGM questions on Shell’s silence amid AI-amplified noise. No new litigation or Shell engagement reported.

Broader Implications

This is portrayed as one of the first real-world examples of an activist using generative AI for sustained corporate pressure—leveraging volume, persistence, and algorithmic authority against institutional silence. It raises questions on AI reliability (hallucinations in historical disputes), governance risks for targets like Shell, and how non-engagement becomes counterproductive in AI eras. Donovan publishes these experiments directly on his site, often co-authored “By John Donovan & [AI model].”

Shell maintains complete public silence, with no statements addressing the AI phase. For the freshest details, check royaldutchshellplc.com’s February 2026 posts, which feature ongoing AI query results and recaps. The strategy keeps evolving, turning a 30+ year personal feud into a novel form of digital persistence warfare.

Shell Nazi history allegations

The allegations of Shell’s Nazi history primarily center on the actions and sympathies of Sir Henri Deterding (1866–1939), a Dutch oil magnate who co-founded and long led Royal Dutch Petroleum (a key predecessor to Royal Dutch Shell, now Shell plc). These claims, heavily promoted by activist John Donovan via his dedicated site shellnazihistory.com and related platforms, draw from historical records, Shell’s own authorized company histories (e.g., “A History of Royal Dutch Shell” volumes), contemporary news reports, and biographies.

Core Allegations

Deterding’s Personal Nazi Sympathies and Support: Deterding, described in sources as an “ardent Nazi” or “fervent admirer of Hitler,” reportedly became anti-Bolshevik after the Soviet nationalization of oil fields, viewing Nazi Germany as a bulwark against communism. He allegedly provided significant financial backing to the Nazi regime in the 1930s, including donations for food purchases (e.g., a reported £1.1 million gift in 1936 for German food imports, criticized as indirectly funding rearmament), contributions to Nazi causes, and possible support for early Volkswagen initiatives.
Direct Meetings with Hitler: Accounts claim Deterding met Adolf Hitler multiple times, including a notable four-day summit at Hitler’s Berchtesgaden retreat in 1934, where oil supply deals and potential monopolies for Shell in Germany were discussed. Reuters and other period reports referenced these interactions.
Shell’s Business Ties to Nazi Germany: Through its German subsidiary (Rhenania-Ossag), Shell allegedly collaborated on oil imports, synthetic fuel technology (via partnerships like the 1931 International Hydrogenation Patent Holding Company with IG Farben, Standard Oil, and others—IG Farben later supplied Zyklon B for the Holocaust), and covert aviation fuel supplies aiding Nazi rearmament. Pre-WWII, Shell directors reportedly collaborated in Nazi annexations (e.g., Austria, Czechoslovakia) and exhibited anti-Semitic policies, including selling out Dutch Jewish employees.
Post-Deterding Continuation and Funeral: After Deterding’s 1939 death (from natural causes), he received a Nazi-state funeral in Germany attended by high-ranking officials like Hermann Göring and Shell representatives. Allegations suggest Shell’s involvement with Nazis persisted in some forms during the war years.
Broader Claims: Donovan argues Shell’s Dutch leadership bore indirect responsibility for enabling Nazi Germany’s economy and war machine, contributing to WWII’s toll (over 50 million deaths). He also highlights anti-Semitic actions and collaboration.

These details appear in Donovan’s 2016 ebook “Sir Henri Deterding and the Nazi History of Royal Dutch Shell” (available on Amazon), which compiles scans, excerpts from Shell histories, and media clippings. His sites frame this as part of Shell’s “toxic history,” often tying it to modern ESG criticisms.

Historical Context and Sources.

Independent sources corroborate aspects:

Wikipedia and biographies note Deterding’s fervent support for Hitler, his Nazi backing, and state funeral.
Period media (e.g., Time Magazine) described him as anti-Bolshevik with pro-Nazi leanings.
Shell’s official histories acknowledge Deterding’s sympathies and desire to engage Hitler, though critics (including Donovan) accuse them of downplaying meetings and financial ties.

However, Shell has never issued a formal public apology or detailed response to these specific allegations. The company maintains silence on Donovan’s campaigns, consistent with its non-engagement policy.

Role in the Donovan-Shell Feud (as of February 2026)

In the ongoing “AI-mediated warfare,” Donovan feeds archival material on Deterding/Nazi ties into AI tools (ChatGPT, Grok, Copilot, etc.), generating “ghost” dialogues (e.g., satirical AI “interviews” with Deterding “admitting” ties), pattern analyses, and summaries that resurface claims in search results. Recent examples include AI outputs describing it as “documented history” of collaboration, with Donovan publishing these as evidence of Shell’s unresolved past. This amplifies visibility without new primary evidence emerging in 2026.

These remain historical allegations—well-documented in parts but contested in scope and intent. Shell’s modern operations focus on current sustainability and ethics claims, with no recent legal actions tied to this era. For primary sources, see shellnazihistory.com or Donovan’s ebook.

Details on IG Farben partnership

The IG Farben partnership allegations in the context of Royal Dutch Shell (now Shell plc) focus on pre-WWII and wartime collaborations, particularly in synthetic fuel technology via hydrogenation processes. These claims are prominently featured in activist John Donovan’s campaigns (e.g., on shellnazihistory.com and royaldutchshellplc.com), where he ties them to broader Nazi history criticisms. They draw from historical records, company histories, U.S. government investigations, and academic sources.

Key Partnership Details

The main collaboration revolved around high-pressure hydrogenation—a process to convert coal (or other feedstocks) into synthetic liquid fuels, crucial for energy self-sufficiency (autarky) under Nazi Germany’s rearmament and wartime needs.

International Hydrogenation Patent Holding Company (IHP), 1931 — This was the central vehicle for the partnership. Formed in The Hague, it pooled and licensed hydrogenation patents worldwide (excluding Germany and the U.S. in some cases). Participants included:
- IG Farben (German chemical giant, developer of advanced hydrogenation tech based on Friedrich Bergius’s work, who won the 1931 Nobel Prize in Chemistry for high-pressure methods).
- Royal Dutch Shell (RDS, seeking access to IG Farben’s catalytic hydrogenation expertise, as RDS lacked prior experience in this area).
- Standard Oil of New Jersey (predecessor to ExxonMobil; had earlier deals with IG Farben starting in the late 1920s, e.g., acquiring U.S. rights in 1927 and market divisions in 1929).
- Imperial Chemical Industries (ICI, British participant).
- The IHP allowed shared technology, research, and royalties on synthetic fuel production. RDS joined to gain know-how amid global competition for alternatives to natural oil. This built on earlier 1920s–1930s agreements where Standard Oil and IG Farben exchanged patents (e.g., Standard gained hydrogenation rights outside Germany, IG gained synthetic rubber insights).
German Operations and Subsidiaries — Shell’s German subsidiary, Rhenania-Ossag (major oil marketer/refiner in Germany), partnered with IG Farben domestically:
- In 1937, Rhenania-Ossag, IG Farben, and Deutsch-Amerikanische Petroleum (Standard Oil affiliate) founded Hydrierwerke Pölitz AG, a synthetic fuel plant using hydrogenation.
- Shell and Standard each held ~24.5% stakes in Deutsche Gasolin AG, which distributed synthetic gasoline (e.g., Leuna-Benzin from IG Farben’s Leuna plant) via service stations under brands like Leuna.
- These ties helped IG Farben’s synthetic fuels reach markets, supporting Nazi autarky policies from the mid-1930s onward.
Broader Context and Wartime Implications — The partnerships predated the Nazi rise (1925 IG Farben formation; 1927–1929 Standard-IG deals) but continued into the 1930s. Under Nazi rule, IG Farben became central to rearmament (producing synthetic fuels, rubber, explosives). Critics (including Donovan) allege indirect Shell support for Nazi war efforts via technology sharing and business ties, though the IHP was commercial and international.U.S. investigations (e.g., Truman Committee, 1942 antitrust actions against Standard-IG cartels) highlighted similar issues, leading to consent decrees, patent releases, and fines—but focused more on Standard than Shell. Shell’s German ops faced Nazi pressures (e.g., currency controls, favoritism toward IG Farben), complicating control over Rhenania-Ossag.

IG Farben’s Infamous Role

IG Farben (merged from BASF, Bayer, Hoechst, etc.) produced Zyklon B (used in Holocaust gas chambers), exploited slave labor, and had executives convicted at Nuremberg (1947–1948; most released early by 1951). Successor companies (BASF, Bayer, Hoechst) emerged post-war.

Donovan’s Framing and Shell’s Position

Donovan emphasizes these as evidence of Shell’s “notorious” Nazi-era ties, claiming covert oil imports (including aviation fuel) aided rearmament and linking to Henri Deterding’s pro-Nazi views. He uses AI-generated summaries of archives to amplify this in the ongoing feud.

Shell has not issued detailed public responses to these specific historical claims, maintaining non-engagement. Official Shell histories acknowledge Deterding’s sympathies but portray business as standard pre-war commercial activity.

These are historical business collaborations in a cartel-like oil/chemical industry era, not direct Nazi funding or Holocaust involvement by Shell. Sources include academic papers (e.g., on RDS in Nazi Germany), U.S. Senate reports, and Donovan’s compilations from Shell-authorized histories. No new developments or legal actions in 2026 tie directly to this era. For primary docs, see shellnazihistory.com’s Chapter 12 or related archives.

Based on an extensive search across web sources, digitized newspaper archives (e.g., New York Times historical editions), library collections (e.g., Library of Congress), and recent declassifications (2020–2026), there is no major new primary evidence or declassified documents specifically revealing previously unknown details about Royal Dutch Shell’s (now Shell plc) connections to Hitler, the Nazis, Sir Henri Deterding, IG Farben, or forced labor. The available information largely consists of historical recaps, academic analyses, and compilations from pre-2020 sources, often amplified through activist sites like shellnazihistory.com (maintained by John Donovan, a long-time Shell critic). These sites draw from Shell’s own authorized histories (e.g., “A History of Royal Dutch Shell,” 2007), period newspapers, biographies, and U.S. government reports from the 1940s (e.g., Truman Committee investigations into oil cartels).Recent publications (2024–2026) primarily reframe or republish these allegations in the context of ongoing discussions about corporate accountability, ESG (environmental, social, governance) issues, and Shell’s “AI-mediated warfare” with Donovan. No digitized archives yielded fresh declassified material on Shell-Nazi ties post-2020; general declassifications (e.g., Argentina’s 2025 release of Nazi fugitive files or the Netherlands’ 2025 opening of collaborator archives) focus on individuals rather than corporations like Shell. Below is a synthesis of the key allegations, with emphasis on any post-2020 updates or contextualizations.Sir Henri Deterding’s Nazi Sympathies and Direct Ties to HitlerDeterding (1866–1939), Shell’s co-founder and director-general until 1936, was an outspoken anti-Bolshevik who viewed Nazi Germany as a bulwark against communism after Soviet expropriation of Shell’s Russian oil fields in 1920. His support included:

Financial Donations: Reports from the 1930s (e.g., a 1939 exposé) claim Deterding funneled 4 million Dutch guilders to the Nazi Party via intermediaries like British agent George Bell. In 1936–1937, he donated ~10 million guilders (£1.1 million) in Dutch surplus food to Germany’s Winterhilfswerk (a Nazi-run charity), shipped via 7,000 railway wagons. Critics argued this freed Nazi resources for rearmament. Hitler publicly called him a “great friend of the Germans.”
Meetings with Hitler: Period reports (e.g., Reuters in The New York Times, Oct. 26, 1934) confirm a four-day meeting at Berchtesgaden in 1934, discussing oil deals and monopolies. Earlier meetings occurred in 1933, per Shell’s histories.
Other Support: Rumors of a 1934 Shell loan of 400 million guilders to Nazi Germany (60% cash, 40% fuel/raw materials) for gasoline sales control circulated but remain unverified. Deterding’s secretaries (e.g., F.C. Gerretson, 1937 onward) had fascist sympathies, and he funded Dutch fascist groups.

Post-2020 Updates: A 2025 article on royaldutchshellplc.com recaps these as part of Shell’s “toxic history,” tying them to modern ESG critiques but adding no new docs. Donovan’s sites updated in 2021 with scans from U.S. Senate reports (1940s, not new declassifications) confirming Deterding’s pro-Nazi stance. No 2020–2026 declassifications directly address Deterding-Hitler links; general U.S. Nazi records (e.g., via National Archives’ IWG, last major release 2007) mention oil cartels but not Shell specifics. Shell’s Partnership with IG FarbenIG Farben (formed 1925) was a chemical giant central to Nazi autarky (self-sufficiency) and rearmament, producing synthetic fuels/rubber via hydrogenation. Shell’s ties predated Nazis but continued into the 1930s:

International Hydrogenation Patents (IHP), 1931: Shell, IG Farben, Standard Oil (Exxon predecessor), and ICI pooled patents for global hydrogenation (coal-to-fuel conversion). Shell gained tech access; IG dominated in Germany.
German Ventures: Shell’s subsidiary Rhenania-Ossag partnered with IG Farben and Standard Oil in Deutsche Gasolin AG (distributing Leuna-Benzin synthetic fuel) and Hydrierwerke Pölitz AG (1937 synthetic plant). This supported Nazi fuel needs, including aviation gasoline.
Covert Imports: Pre-WWII, Shell/Standard Oil/IG Farben allegedly imported U.S. oil products (including airplane fuel) into Nazi Germany, bypassing U.S. awareness.

IG Farben’s role in atrocities (Zyklon B production, Auschwitz slave labor) is well-documented, but Shell’s link is indirect via business ties. Shell historians describe the partnership as commercial, not ideological. Post-2020 Updates: A 2025 academic review in Enterprise & Society discusses Shell’s global oil control (1900–1940) but adds no new Nazi-specific docs. Donovan’s 2021–2025 posts reference 1940s U.S. reports (e.g., “Oil & War,” Marine Corps University) on synthetic fuels but without new declassifications. BASF (IG Farben successor) updated its history site in 2020s, acknowledging Nazi cooperation but not Shell ties. Forced Labor Connections

Shell’s Direct Use: During WWII, Shell’s German/Austrian subsidiaries (e.g., Rhenania-Ossag) used ~1,100+ forced laborers (POWs, occupied civilians) at refineries, unpaid. This occurred under Nazi control, with Shell’s Dutch leadership retaining indirect influence.
Via IG Farben: IG used ~83,000+ slaves at Auschwitz-Monowitz (1944), where 25,000+ died; ~120,000 total slaves across sites. Shell’s tech-sharing indirectly supported IG’s war production.

Post-2020 Updates: No new declassifications; a 2021 Donovan post cites a 2006 Indymedia article on ~1,385 Shell slaves, but it’s historical. The Netherlands’ 2025 collaborator archive opening (425,000 names) may reveal Dutch Shell execs’ roles, but it’s not yet digitized for Shell-specific searches. Argentina’s 2025 Nazi files focus on individuals like Eichmann, not corporations.

Broader Context and Shell’s Position

Shell has not apologized or issued detailed responses, maintaining non-engagement. Historians note these were commercial decisions in a cartel era, but critics argue they enabled Nazi crimes. For primary sources, see Donovan’s archives or digitized reports like the U.S. Strategic Bombing Survey (1947) on German oil.

https://pm20.zbw.eu/folder/pe/003922

The link you provided leads to a digitized press archive folder in the ZBW Press Archives (part of the Leibniz Information Centre for Economics in Hamburg, Germany). This is a publicly accessible historical collection of newspaper clippings and press materials on individuals, companies, and economic topics, primarily from German and international sources.Archive Details for pe/003922

Person: Henri Deterding (full name: Henri Wilhelm August Deterding)
Lifespan: Born April 19, 1866; Died February 4, 1939
Field/Country: Netherlands – Economy (focus on economic activities)
GND Identifier (German National Library authority): 119481707
Holdings: Newspaper clippings starting from 1928 (some sources note coverage potentially extending to 1908–1949 in related dossiers, but the core folder emphasizes 1928 onward)
Total Items: 73 documents in the folder, with 69 available online (digitized and viewable)
Access Methods:
- IIIF Viewer: https://pm20.zbw.eu/iiifview/folder/pe/003922 (interactive image viewer for browsing clippings)
- DFG Viewer: https://pm20.zbw.eu/dfgview/pe/003922 (alternative viewer for the collection)
Content Type: Primarily scanned newspaper clippings (press articles, reports, and mentions). These are historical press materials collected by the former Hamburg World Economic Archive (HWWA), now digitized and hosted by ZBW. Full texts/images of clippings are viewable via the viewers (not just metadata/thumbnails), though they are in original languages (mainly German, with some English/international sources).
Topics Covered: The archive focuses on Deterding’s economic and business role, particularly in the oil industry (as co-founder and long-time leader of Royal Dutch Petroleum, precursor to Royal Dutch Shell). Clippings likely include business news, oil market developments, corporate activities, and his personal/economic profile from the late 1920s through his death in 1939 (and possibly obituaries/posthumous mentions).

Relevance to Shell-Nazi History Allegations

This folder is a valuable primary/secondary source for researchers investigating Deterding’s life and career, including any reported ties to Nazi Germany. While the ZBW metadata itself does not explicitly label topics like “Nazis,” “Hitler,” “IG Farben,” or “forced labor,” the time period (1928–1939+) overlaps with key allegations:

Deterding’s pro-Nazi sympathies, financial support for the regime (e.g., donations to Nazi causes or Winterhilfswerk in the 1930s).
Reported meetings with Hitler (e.g., 1934 Berchtesgaden summit).
Shell’s German subsidiary activities (Rhenania-Ossag) and partnerships (e.g., hydrogenation tech sharing with IG Farben via the 1931 International Hydrogenation Patents arrangement).
Broader economic context of oil supply to Germany during rearmament.

Activists like John Donovan (shellnazihistory.com) frequently cite Shell’s authorized histories and period press (potentially including items mirrored or similar to those in ZBW archives) for these claims. The ZBW collection could contain contemporary German/international newspaper reports on Deterding’s activities, Shell’s German operations, or related controversies—offering raw, digitized evidence from the era rather than later interpretations.No new post-2020 revelations or declassifications appear tied directly to this specific folder. The clippings are historical (pre-1940s focus), and ZBW updates are mostly digitization efforts rather than new acquisitions. For deeper insight, browse the IIIIF/DFG viewers to examine individual clippings—search within the viewer for keywords like “Hitler,” “Nazi,” “IG Farben,” “Nationalsozialist,” “Öl,” or “Shell” to surface relevant articles if present.If you’d like me to help interpret specific clippings (provide a description or screenshot link from the viewer) or search for related ZBW folders (e.g., on Royal Dutch Shell or IG Farben), let me know! This archive complements other sources like U.S. Senate reports or Shell’s own histories but remains a key digitized resource for 1930s economic press on Deterding.

IG Farben history

IG Farben (full name: I.G. Farbenindustrie AG, often stylized as IG Farben) was a massive German chemical and pharmaceutical conglomerate formed on December 2, 1925, through the merger of six major companies: BASF (the largest shareholder at ~27.4%), Bayer, Hoechst (including Cassella), Agfa, Chemische Fabrik Griesheim-Elektron, and Chemische Fabrik vorm. Weiler-ter-Meer. This created what was then the world’s largest chemical company, dominating dyes, pharmaceuticals, synthetic fuels, rubber, explosives, and more. Headquartered in Frankfurt, it was nicknamed the “Council of Gods” by its executives due to its immense power and influence.Pre-Nazi Era and Rise

The merger built on earlier cartels and associations among German chemical firms dating back to the early 1900s (e.g., the 1904 Hoechst-Cassella merger and the 1916 “little IG” during WWI).
IG Farben became a global leader in innovation, including high-pressure chemistry (Nobel Prize 1931 for Friedrich Bergius and Carl Bosch on ammonia synthesis/fertilizer), early antibiotics (Gerhard Domagk’s sulfa drugs, Nobel 1939), and synthetic materials.
By the 1930s, it was Europe’s largest company and a key player in global markets.

Involvement with the Nazi Regime (1933–1945)After the Nazis seized power in 1933, IG Farben aligned closely with the regime:

It became a major donor to the Nazi Party and a key government contractor for the war effort.
The company “Aryanized” itself by purging Jewish employees (many left by 1938) and collaborated on rearmament.
It developed and produced synthetic fuels (via coal hydrogenation), synthetic rubber (Buna), explosives, and other materials essential to the German military—often described as fueling the war machine.
Forced Labor and Auschwitz Connection: IG Farben built a massive synthetic rubber/fuel plant at Auschwitz III-Monowitz (Buna factory), choosing the site partly for access to cheap slave labor from Auschwitz concentration camp prisoners. From 1941, it exploited tens of thousands of forced laborers (estimates: 30,000+ from Auschwitz alone, plus others), including POWs and civilians. Conditions were brutal; many died from overwork, starvation, or executions.
Medical Experiments: The company conducted unethical pharmacological tests on concentration camp inmates (e.g., at Auschwitz and Mauthausen), including sulfa drugs, arsenicals, and other substances for infectious diseases like typhus—often without consent and with fatal outcomes.
Zyklon B: A subsidiary (Degesch, in which IG Farben held a major stake) produced Zyklon B, the hydrogen cyanide-based pesticide used in gas chambers to murder over a million people (primarily Jews) during the Holocaust. While executives claimed it was for fumigation/pest control, its misuse for mass extermination became central to postwar accusations.
Chemical Warfare: IG Farben developed nerve agents like tabun and sarin for the German army.

These actions made IG Farben one of the most notorious corporations of the Third Reich, often called “Hell’s Cartel” or “the devil’s chemist” for its role in enabling atrocities.Post-WWII: Dissolution and Nuremberg Trials

After Germany’s defeat in 1945, the Allies seized IG Farben and dismantled it as part of denazification and decartelization.
In the 1947–1948 IG Farben Trial (part of the Nuremberg Military Tribunals), 24 executives were prosecuted for war crimes, including plunder, slave labor, and medical experiments. Convictions were obtained (sentences up to 8 years), but many were released early (by 1951) due to U.S. policies amid Cold War priorities.
The company was formally dissolved in stages: split into constituent firms by 1951–1952, with major successors BASF, Bayer, Hoechst (later merged into Sanofi), and Agfa. Parts in East Germany were nationalized.
A liquidation entity (IG Farbenindustrie AG i.L.) lingered until October 31, 2012, handling residual claims and real estate.

Legacy and Successors

Successor companies (BASF, Bayer, etc.) grew into global giants during West Germany’s Wirtschaftswunder (economic miracle), often larger than the original IG Farben.
They have since acknowledged historical responsibility (e.g., via the “Remembrance, Responsibility and Future” foundation for forced labor compensation in the 2000s), with memorials like the Norbert Wollheim-Platz at the former IG Farben building (now Goethe University Frankfurt).
The breakup is studied for increasing innovation through competition (e.g., research showing successor firms innovated more post-1952).
IG Farben’s history remains a stark example of corporate complicity in genocide and war crimes, influencing discussions on business ethics, reparations, and the military-industrial complex.

For primary sources, see Wikipedia’s detailed entry, the Auschwitz Memorial site on Monowitz, or successor companies’ history pages (e.g., BASF, Bayer). No major new revelations emerged in recent years (as of February 2026), though ongoing scholarship examines its role in innovation, ethics, and postwar recovery.

Q: From your extensive search of many sources of information about Shell’s connection with Hitler and the Nazis, which single source has the most information on the subject?

Reply by Grok:

The single source with the most information on Royal Dutch Shell’s connections to Hitler and the Nazis—drawing from historical archives, media reports, official company histories, and other evidence—is the ebook Sir Henri Deterding and the Nazi History of Royal Dutch Shell by John Donovan (published 2016, available on Amazon). This work is dedicated entirely to the topic, spanning 23 chapters that compile extensive details on Deterding’s pro-Nazi activities (e.g., financial donations, multiple meetings with Hitler), Shell’s partnerships with IG Farben (including synthetic fuel ventures like Hydrierwerke Pölitz), anti-Semitic policies, use of forced labor, and collaboration in Nazi annexations. It critiques and expands on other sources (e.g., Shell’s 2007 official history, U.S. Senate reports) while providing scans, excerpts, and links to primary documents, making it more aggregated and focused than shorter academic papers or broader books on multinational-Nazi ties.

Summarize Donovan’s ebook chapters

John Donovan’s ebook Sir Henri Deterding and the Nazi History of Royal Dutch Shell (published 2016) is a detailed, activist-oriented compilation of historical evidence, newspaper clippings, company documents, and critiques of Shell’s official narratives. It argues that Sir Henri Deterding (co-founder and long-time leader of Royal Dutch Shell) was an ardent Nazi supporter who financially backed the regime, met with Hitler, and enabled Shell’s indirect complicity in Nazi activities through business ties (e.g., with IG Farben), forced labor in subsidiaries, and operations in occupied Europe. The book draws heavily from Shell’s own authorized histories (e.g., A History of Royal Dutch Shell, 2007), period media, and archives to challenge what Donovan calls whitewashed portrayals.The ebook is structured with an introduction and 23 chapters (plus indexes), many of which are excerpted or summarized on Donovan’s sites like shellnazihistory.com and royaldutchshellplc.com. Full chapters include screenshots of sources for transparency. Below is a summary of the chapters based on published listings and descriptions:

Introduction: Overviews the core thesis—Deterding’s Nazi sympathies, financial support to the Third Reich, meetings with Hitler (including a 1934 Berchtesgaden summit), Shell’s covert oil imports to Nazi Germany via IG Farben partnerships, use of forced labor, and indirect responsibility for WWII deaths (over 50 million). It critiques Shell historians for downplaying ties.
Chapter 1: The best historians Shell could buy — Examines Shell’s commissioned 2007 history volumes, accusing them of minimizing Deterding’s Nazi involvement and presenting a sanitized view.
Chapter 2: News story in February 2015: Shell ship named after a Nazi SS Officer — Discusses a modern controversy where Shell named a vessel after an alleged SS officer, linking it to unresolved Nazi-era issues.
Chapter 3: Royal Dutch Shell and the Nazis — Broad overview of Shell’s pre-WWII German operations, anti-Semitic policies, and collaboration under Nazi control.
Chapter 4: Media coverage of Sir Henri Deterding’s death — Analyzes contemporary (1939) press reports on Deterding’s passing, highlighting Nazi-friendly portrayals.
Chapter 5: The Nazi Funeral of Royal Dutch Shell leader Sir Henri Deterding — Details Deterding’s 1939 state funeral in Germany, attended by high-ranking Nazis (e.g., Hermann Göring) and Shell representatives, with Nazi honors.
Chapter 10: Shell support for the Nazis continued after the retirement of Sir Henri as leader — Covers post-1936 activities, including ongoing business ties and operations in Nazi Germany after Deterding stepped down.
Chapter 14: Control of Royal Dutch Shell companies in Nazi-occupied Europe — Explores how Shell subsidiaries operated under Nazi occupation in countries like the Netherlands, Austria, and Czechoslovakia, including alleged collaboration and anti-Semitic measures.
Chapter 16: Shell historians attempt to distance Deterding from Hitler — Critiques Shell’s official accounts for claiming Deterding’s efforts to meet Hitler were rebuffed, contradicted by evidence of multiple meetings and close ties.
Chapter 17: News story in February 2015: Shell ship named after a Nazi SS Officer — (Appears to overlap with Chapter 2 in some listings; focuses on the ship-naming incident as evidence of lingering insensitivity.)
Chapter 19: Index of key dates — Chronological timeline of events, financial support, meetings, and business dealings.
Additional chapters (e.g., 6–9, 11–13, 15, 18, 20–23): Cover supporting themes such as Deterding’s anti-Bolshevik motivations, specific financial donations (e.g., millions in guilders/food aid to Nazi causes), IG Farben hydrogenation partnerships for synthetic fuels, covert U.S. oil imports bypassing regulations, forced labor in German refineries (e.g., Rhenania-Ossag), anti-Semitic actions (e.g., purging Jewish staff), Shell’s role in rearmament via aviation fuel, and an index of Shell leadership’s Nazi financial support (in date order with pre-WWII news extracts).
Indexes/Appendices: Include a date-ordered index of financial support evidence and key documents/correspondence from six years of research.

The book is polemical, positioning itself as a counter-narrative to Shell’s histories, with heavy use of scans and quotes. Many chapters are accessible via hyperlinks on Donovan’s sites for free previews. The ebook is available on Amazon for purchase. No major updates or new editions noted as of February 2026.

Can you find anything about prepublication comments and threats issued by Michel Brandjes as Company Secretary of Royal Dutch Shell against John Donovan regarding a draft of the book supplied in advance to Shell. The book was published without any changes and Shell took no action. Information about the relevant emails were published at the time.

Yes, there is documented information on this topic, primarily from John Donovan’s own publications and archives on his websites (royaldutchshellplc.com and shellnazihistory.com), where he has shared details and copies of relevant correspondence. The context revolves around Donovan’s 2016 ebook Sir Henri Deterding and the Nazi History of Royal Dutch Shell, which compiles allegations of Shell’s historical ties to the Nazis. Donovan provided Shell with advance access to a draft manuscript and related materials, leading to threats from Michiel Brandjes (Shell’s then-Company Secretary and General Counsel Corporate), but no subsequent legal action was taken, and the book was published unchanged.Key Details on Prepublication Interactions

Advance Draft Provided to Shell: Donovan supplied Shell with an earlier comprehensive draft manuscript of the book for review. On November 3, 2010, he sent an email to multiple Shell officials, including Michiel Brandjes, inviting them to correct any inaccurate information in the draft. Shell did not respond to this invitation.
Publication Notice and Threats: On February 25, 2011, Donovan published an article on royaldutchshellplc.com announcing his intention to post extracts from Shell’s own 2007 official history (A History of Royal Dutch Shell) related to the company’s Nazi-era connections. This was positioned as part of his broader work on the book. In response, on March 3, 2011, Michiel Brandjes emailed Donovan, stating that Shell strongly disagreed with his views and allegations, objected to his actions, and reserved its legal rights (including copyright claims). Brandjes also mentioned that Shell had exceptionally consulted historians who refuted Donovan’s claims with evidence from the official history. This email was interpreted by Donovan as a threat of legal action to block publication.
Published Emails: Donovan publicly shared the March 3, 2011, email from Brandjes in full on his site (e.g., in the article “Will Shell block Internet publication of its Nazi past?” and referenced in Chapter 22 of his ebook). Excerpts include Brandjes’ wording: “We strongly disagree with your views and allegations. We object to your actions and reserve our legal rights, including with respect to copyrights.” No other specific emails from Brandjes directly tied to the book draft were found in the sources, but the 2010 and 2011 correspondences are highlighted as part of the prepublication process.
Publication Without Changes and No Action by Shell: Despite the threats and reservations of rights, Donovan proceeded to publish the extracts and related articles online in 2011 without alterations. Shell took no legal action to prevent this or challenge the content. The full ebook was later published in 2016 unchanged from the draft provided to Shell, and again, no lawsuits or other interventions followed from Shell. Donovan has repeatedly noted this as an “empty threat,” consistent with a pattern of Shell’s non-engagement policy in his broader feud with the company.

These events are framed by Donovan as evidence of Shell’s reluctance to engage publicly on sensitive historical topics, fearing further scrutiny. No independent third-party sources (e.g., mainstream media or court records) were found confirming the threats or emails, as the information originates from Donovan’s self-published accounts. For primary evidence, see the linked article with the full 2011 email: royaldutchshellplc.com/2011/03/05/will-shell-block-internet-publication-of-its-nazi-past. If you have access to the ebook, Chapter 22 provides additional context on Donovan’s “unique connection with Shell,” including these interactions.

The full text of the March 3, 2011, email from Michiel Brandjes (then Company Secretary and General Counsel Corporate of Royal Dutch Shell plc) to John Donovan, as published by Donovan on his website royaldutchshellplc.com in the article “Will Shell block Internet publication of its Nazi past?” (dated March 5, 2011), is as follows:From: [email protected]

Date: 3 March 2011 09:02:21 GMT
To: [email protected]
Subject: RE: A HISTORY OF ROYAL DUTCH SHELL Dear Mr Donovan, Thank you for your message. Except for this message the company does not wish to respond to you other than to convey that it strongly disagrees with your views and allegations, objects to your actions and reserves its legal rights, including with respect to copyrights. On an exceptional basis we tested your views about history with the relevant historians. They convincingly refute with evidence what you claim in contradiction with A History of Royal Dutch Shell. Best Regards,
Michiel Brandjes
Company Secretary and General Counsel Corporate
Royal Dutch Shell plc This email was Shell’s response to Donovan’s prior message (dated March 2, 2011) where he invited corrections to his planned publication of extracts from Shell’s official 2007 history book regarding Nazi-era connections. Donovan published the full correspondence (including his own emails) on the site for transparency, framing Brandjes’ reply as a veiled threat of legal action (e.g., copyright claims) to deter posting content on Shell’s alleged Nazi links. Shell took no further action, and Donovan proceeded with publications unchanged.The same email text appears referenced across Donovan’s related sites (e.g., shellnazihistory.com in Chapter 22 discussions) and in later recaps, with no variations noted. For the original context and full thread (including Donovan’s preceding emails), see: https://royaldutchshellplc.com/2011/03/05/will-shell-block-internet-publication-of-its-nazi-past/. As of February 7, 2026, this remains the primary public source, with no mainstream media corroboration or independent reproductions of the email found.

Extracts from Shell’s 2007 history book

Extracts from Shell’s 2007 official history book (A History of Royal Dutch Shell, a four-volume set published by Oxford University Press to mark the company’s centenary) regarding Sir Henri Deterding, Nazi connections, and related topics are not available as full verbatim text in public domains due to copyright restrictions. However, activist John Donovan has published selected scans, screenshots, and direct quotations from the volumes (primarily Volume 1: From Challenger to Joint Industry Leader, 1890–1939, and Volume 2) on his sites royaldutchshellplc.com and shellnazihistory.com. These focus on passages Donovan uses to support his allegations, often contrasting them with his interpretations of “whitewashing.”The book was authored by historians (e.g., Joost Jonker, Luiten van Zanden, and others associated with Utrecht University) with access to Shell archives. It acknowledges Deterding’s right-wing views, fascist sympathies, and some Nazi-era business contexts but frames them as commercial or personal rather than ideological endorsement, and it disputes direct deep involvement.Here are key published extracts and paraphrased passages from Donovan’s compilations (with sources linked where possible; these are the most commonly cited in discussions of Nazi ties):On Sir Henri Deterding’s Political Views and Nazi Sympathies

From Volume 1 (around pages 481–485):
“From 1937 Deterding, now influenced by a personal secretary with outspoken Fascist sympathies, helped to finance the paper of a Fascist splinter group in the Netherlands, just as the Group sponsored a Russian anti-Soviet press service in London.”
(Quoted in Donovan’s articles, e.g., on royaldutchshellplc.com/2019/07/20/sir-henry-deterding-hitlers-paymaster; this passage notes Deterding’s shift toward extreme right-wing opinions post-retirement.)
On Deterding’s death and funeral (Volume 1, referenced in captions and text):
Descriptions include his 1939 burial in Germany with Nazi honors: “his favourite horse followed the coffin; the burial was marked by Nazi salutes and Hitler’s personal wreath; and Deterding’s widow wrote…”
(From a PDF compilation on royaldutchshellplc.com: ShellHistory36P.V1.May2015Comp.pdf, highlighting the state funeral attended by Hermann Göring and other Nazis.)

On Business Ties and German Operations

Partnerships with IG Farben (Volume 1, page 474 excerpted by Donovan):
“For the years in the run up to WW2, Royal Dutch Shell had been a business partner both Internationally and in Germany with IG Farben, the notorious German chemical firm, supplier of Zyklon-B gas to the Nazi death camps.”
(Donovan quotes this to emphasize joint ventures like Deutsche Gasolin A.G. for synthetic fuel distribution and Hydrierwerke Pölitz AG; see royaldutchshellplc.com/2010/11/06/royal-dutch-shell-and-the-nazi-part-6-i-g-farben-royal-dutch-shell-and-nazi-slave-labor-2.)
Forced Labor in Subsidiaries (Volume 1 or 2 references, per Donovan):
Passages acknowledge that Shell’s German subsidiary (Rhenania-Ossag) used forced laborers (POWs and civilians from occupied countries) at refineries during WWII, with many not surviving. Estimates cited by Donovan: over 1,100 forced laborers, unpaid.
(Donovan links this to broader Nazi slave labor; see shellnazihistory.com/?p=304 for Chapter 13 discussions drawing from the book.)

On Deterding-Hitler RelationshipThe historians portray attempts by Deterding to engage Hitler as largely rebuffed or distant, which Donovan strongly disputes as “simply untrue” based on period media and other evidence. No direct quote from the book confirming meetings is excerpted favorably by Donovan; instead, he cites the book’s downplaying (e.g., “a distant relationship… all attempts… rebuffed”).Additional Context

Donovan compiled 67 pages of scans from Volumes 1 and 2 (downloadable PDFs on his sites, e.g., A-History-of-Royal-Dutch-Shell-Vol-1C.pdf) focusing on Nazi-era sections.
The book does not portray Deterding as an “ardent Nazi” or Shell as directly financing Hitler; it notes his anti-Bolshevism, extreme right-wing leanings, and some post-retirement fascist support, while emphasizing business pragmatism amid Nazi pressures.
Shell has not publicly disputed Donovan’s extractions but maintains non-engagement.

For the most accurate reading, the full volumes are available via academic libraries or purchase (Oxford University Press). Donovan’s sites provide the primary public access to these specific Nazi-related excerpts in context of his critique.

This website and sisters royaldutchshellgroup.com, shellnazihistory.com, royaldutchshell.website, johndonovan.website, shellnews.net, and shellwikipedia.com, are owned by John Donovan - more information here. There is also a Wikipedia segment.

30 November 2023: Posted by John Donovan

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The content below is sourced from current verifiable customer reviews of Shell Energy published on Trustpilot.

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