“I am deeply concerned to discover that the tentacles of an evil and shadowy private spy firm, Hakluyt & Company Limited, reach right into the very heart of the British establishment, the Church of England… Hakluyt’s stock in trade is deception, trickery, betrayal, fabrication, fraud and infiltration by its undercover agents.”
From Mayfair backrooms to No.10, the Oval Office and even the pews.
If you’ve ever wondered who whispers sweet nothings about “risk” and “stakeholders” into the ears of governments while oil money hums in the background, meet Hakluyt—the discreet fixer founded by ex-MI6 officers, beloved by Shell and BP, and forever allergic to sunlight. The firm’s recent cameo in the Thames Water crisis wasn’t subtle: “A corporate intelligence company part-owned and formerly run by the prime minister’s business adviser has been paid more than £1m by Thames Water,” the Guardian reported, adding that Hakluyt “claims to have advised almost half of the FTSE 100 and more than three-quarters of the top 20 private equity groups.” And its spokespeople? “We are not a lobbying organisation and do not lobby governments on behalf of clients.”
The oil-slicked backstory (yes, it’s that murky)
Hakluyt was founded in 1995 by former MI6 officers, assembling a board and network drawn from the British establishment. It has “close links with large oil firms.” To underline the point, Peter Cazalet, former BP deputy chair, helped to establish the firm; Sir Peter Holmes, former Shell chair, served as president of its foundation. In 2001, The Sunday Times reported that Shell and BP hired Hakluyt to collect information on Greenpeace.
How did that work in practice? The same Sunday Times investigation (archived by CorpWatch) spelled it out with the subtlety of a klaxon: “A private intelligence firm with close links to MI6 spied on environmental campaign groups to collect information for oil companies, including Shell and BP.” And: “Both BP and Shell admit hiring Hakluyt, but say they were unaware of the tactics used.”
Public radio’s Living on Earth summarized the scoop the same week: “The spy firm, called ‘Hakluyt’ is made up of former operatives for the British government’s official spy agency, MI-6. British Petroleum and Shell pay the MI-6 veterans to gather information about Greenpeace activities.”
Tentacles to No.10 and the White House
Fast-forward to 2025. Hakluyt still pops up wherever big decisions meet bigger balance sheets. The Guardian notes the firm was advising Thames Water while its former boss Varun Chandra—now Keir Starmer’s business adviser—“still owns a multimillion-pound stake in Hakluyt” and “was in the Oval Office when Starmer met Donald Trump in February.”If you’re sensing a revolving door the size of the Downing Street frontage, you’re not alone.
And that “respectable” veneer? In 2024, Lord William Hague became chair of Hakluyt’s international advisory board—proof that the outfit isn’t shy about elite credentials.
Into the pews: the Church of England crossover (yes, really)
The Donovans—Alfred and John, longtime Shell nemeses—documented a peculiar junction of pulpits and private intelligence in 2004. Sir Anthony Hammond, Standing Counsel to the General Synod of the Church of England (2000–2013), also worked as legal counsel to Hakluyt (2000–2005). Those overlapping roles aren’t speculation; they’re recorded in public biographies and obituaries.
Alfred Donovan’s contemporaneous letter to Queen Elizabeth II captured the dissonance in unvarnished prose: “I am deeply concerned to discover that the tentacles of an evil and shadowy private spy firm, Hakluyt & Company Limited, reach right into the very heart of the British establishment, the Church of England… Hakluyt’s stock in trade is deception, trickery, betrayal, fabrication, fraud and infiltration by its undercover agents.” The letter also flagged Shell’s association with Hakluyt and its titled allies. (It’s a primary document—read it and decide for yourself.)
Why Shell (and BP) keep turning up in the credits
Because Shell is that classic sin stock: ruthless margins, generous buybacks, tidy dividends—and a historical willingness to “outsource” unpleasantness. When environmental groups organize, intelligence “gathering” appears. When reputational risks loom, the network activates. And when investors applaud, the applause is loud: Vanguard, BlackRock, and Norway’s sovereign wealth fund (NBIM) sit among Shell’s largest holders, whose combined heft reliably nudges strategy toward cash-return orthodoxy.
If you’re still surprised, revisit the older playbook: 2001 Greenpeace infiltration (admitted Hakluyt hires), 2004 reserves scandal (a different chapter of the same saga), and a continuing cast of establishment figures gliding in and out of Hakluyt’s orbit. Today’s No.10 link via Hakluyt and its alumni just shows how the firm’s “insight” tends to follow the money—to Downing Street, the Oval Office, and beyond.
Receipts you can click
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Guardian: “Thames Water paid £1m-plus to corporate spooks firm part-owned by Starmer adviser.” (includes the lines quoted above and the Oval Office detail).
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CorpWatch (Sunday Times archive): “A private intelligence firm with close links to MI6 spied on environmental campaign groups… including Shell and BP.”
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Living on Earth (NPR/PRI): “British Petroleum and Shell pay the MI-6 veterans to gather information about Greenpeace activities.”
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Hakluyt profile: MI6 roots; BP/Shell ties; Greenpeace surveillance episode; board/IB moves.
Wikipedia and Hakluyt IAB.
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Hague appointment:
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Church of England crossover (primary docs):
Alfred Donovan letter to HM (PDF) and Sir Anthony Hammond bio.
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Who bankrolls Shell:
Disclaimer
Warning: satire ahead. The criticisms are pointed, the humour intentional, and the facts stubbornly real. Quotes are reproduced word-for-word from trusted sources. As for authorship—John Donovan and AI both claim credit, but the jury’s still out on who was really in charge.
This website and sisters royaldutchshellgroup.com, shellnazihistory.com, royaldutchshell.website, johndonovan.website, shellnews.net, and shellwikipedia.com, are owned by John Donovan. There is also a Wikipedia segment.

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